What Would An Anarcho-Socialist
Economy Look Like? ----------------- Google, Linux, and open source code
-------------------The Hobohemians On the rails with the new freedom riders
by Ben Ehrenreich Catching Out -------------------- Lbo --------------
nettime -------------- Vital Dissent or Angry Rhetoric? Mother Jones -
largest discussion; over 400 blurbs on the ME --------------------
Rock of dissent By Israel Shamir plus cricitcism by some NYC anarchists
-------------------- Indy comments for Niall Fergusons remarks on
marx in the FT ------------------ 198718 Turmoil by Doug Henwood
(dissident voice) (no comments; must have been the rite place but the wrong
time) ------------- :::::::::::::::::: ------------- 199284 ((another
preston effort; links to attachthesystem.com a rightish wing thing linking
to antistate.com which I ment to visit one of these days anyway)) .. .
What Would An Anarcho-Socialist Economy Look Like? I have been asked by
readers of Anti-State.com to expound a bit upon my own anarcho-socialist
perspective. Specifically, I have been asked to describe how a socialist-anarchist
economy might come into being, how such an economy might sustain itself
over the long haul and how the typical town's McDonald's or Wal-Mart might
be communalized. Before I attempt to answer these questions, it might be
useful to the reader if I first sketch a very general outline of the overall
conceptual framework I am operating in and the theory of political economy
to which I subscribe. I am a socialist-anarchist in the classical Bakuninist
tradition. Like Noam Chomsky, I consider this tradition to be the proper
heir to classical liberalism and its critique of concentrated power-political,
economic, military, ecclesiastical and otherwise.(1) For me, at least,
Bakuninist anarchism is simply classical liberalism updated to include
a critique of the role of business corporations in perpetrating modern
systems of power relations. Unlike his enemies, the Marxists, Bakunin recognized
that the state is an artificially privileged social class unto itself,
above and beyond that of economic and social authorities. In his day (mid-nineteeth
century Central Europe), the class structure consisted of the state, first
of all, the state-protected feudal landlords, the state church and the
nascent industrial bourgeoise class created by state intervention into
the emerging market economy. (2) Bakunin's antidote to this system of oppression
involved the insurrectionary efforts of the workers and peasants to remove
the state and the state-privileged exploiter classes in favor of a decentralized
confederation of peasant communes and workers' collectives tending the
land and the industrial machinery minus the upper strata of oppressors.
(3) What I attempt to do is apply Bakuninist analysis to the modern world.
An indispensible aspect of classical Bakuninism is its critique of state
socialism. Bakunin predicted that if state socialism ever came to power
it would produce a type of "red bureaucracy" that would in turn generate
the bloodiest tyranny in history. This prophecy was unfortunately realized
in the infamous communist, fascist and national socialist regimes of the
twentieth century. Likewise, Bakunin argued that the ruling classes would
seek to avoid their own ultimate dislocation and expropriation via popular
revolution and seek to subjugate and pacify the working classes by means
of a paternalistic welfare state, the purpose of which would be to essentially
coopt and destroy working class movements for self-determination. Hence,
the rise of Fabianism, Progressivism, Social Democracy and the New Class
bureaucrats and intellectuals criticized by thinkers ranging from George
Orwell to James Burnham. (4) Modern state systems have created what is
largely a two-tiered class structure that in many ways mirrors the feudal
system of old. Professor Thomas Dye of Florida State University estimates
that the number of true powerholders in American society amounts to approximately
seven thousand people. This figure includes those who hold the top positions
in government, corporate, educational, cultural, legal and civic institutions.(5)
It is this tiny oligarchy, seven thousand people in a nation of nearly
three hundred million, that might be said to constitute the ruling class
proper in American society, comparable to the royal families of old. Directly
beneath them in the class structure are the New Class apparatchik who have
replaced the feudal aristocracy, the Church and the industrial bourgeoise
in the domination of the economic, cultural and educational life of the
society. George Orwell described this element: The new aristocracy was
made up for the most part of bureaucrats, scientists, technicians, trade-union
organizers, publicity experts, sociologists, teachers, journalists and
professional politicians. These people, whose origins lay in the salaried
middle class and the upper grades of the working class, had been shaped
and brought together by the barren world of monopoly industry and centralized
government. (6) It is for the benefit of this class that most state intervention
into the economy and into society is done. It is this class who are the
primary beneficiaries of the most extravagant entitlements such as social
security, Medicare, civil service pensions and agricultural subsidies.
It is the New Class who make their living staffing the government's social
engineering programs, teaching in state schools and universities, working
for state-financed foundations and managing the bureaucracy of corporations
that are dependent on state subsidies and contracts. Tariffs and other
forms of protectionism are set up in part to protect the employment interests
of state-connected unions. Professional licensing schemes create monopolistic
guilds for New Class professionals. Zoning and land use regulations serve
to inflate the real estate values of affluent New Class property owners.
These examples are just a drop in the bucket. The lower tier of this system
of artificial class stratification includes rank and file workers and lower
management who are the most burdened by personal income, payroll, excise
and other taxes and whose labor marketability is devalued through state
intervention, persons unemployed by state actions that constrict the supply
of employment opportunities, persons subjugated by the state's welfare
system, poor and minority persons herded into the urban reservations of
"public" housing, persons rendered homeless by the state's constriction
of the supply of available and affordable housing, small businessmen and
self-employed persons regulated to death by coercive state agencies, farmers
dispossessed of their traditional lands by state-supported agribusiness
cartels and central banks, persons made disabled or infirm by state constriction
of available and affordable medical care, persons dispossessed of homes
and lands by eminent domain and asset forfeiture laws, those who livelihoods
are relegate to the "illegal" market by the state (gamblers, peddlers,
vendors, beggars, drug sellers, prostitutes, loansharks, smugglers, etc.),
persons imprisoned in the state's gulags, psychiatric prisons ("mental
hospitals"), educational prisons ("public schools"), pseudo-military concentration
camps ("boot camps") and so on. These and other similar groups constitute
the modern "proletariat", to use a classical term. The modern version of
the "class struggle" involves the ongoing brutal conflict between those
who most benefit from the system of mass democratic, special interest-dominated,
welfare-warfare corporate statism on one hand and those who are most victimized
by it on the other hand. (7) As a revolutionary anarcho-socialist, I aim
to abolish the state's military forces, police, courts, prisons, schools,
social engineering programs, welfare system, corporate charters and corporate
laws, antidiscrimination statutes, state ownership of land, currency monopoly,
subsidies to infrastructure, regulatory agencies, trade restrictions, licensing
schemes and so forth. In short, I aim to abolish the state altogether.
On this point, anarcho-capitalists and I would agree. However, I also wish
to go a step further and convert from an economic order where capital commands
labor to one where labor commands capital. The pertinent question at this
point is the matter of how this can be done without a coercive state apparatus.
Indeed, a systemic economic conversion of this type must be done non-coercively
and without a state. Otherwise, the centralization of capital into the
hands of the state would produce a new type of ruling class as we have
seen in such political degenerations as the Soviet Union, Peoples' Republic
of China, Democratic Republic of Vietnam and so on. I have noticed that
many if not most anarcho-capitalists and free market libertarians take
the corporate dominated economy for granted. For them, a "free market"
is simply the present system minus taxes, welfare and government social
service agencies. As a correlation to this, most anarcho-socialists foolishly
reject the free market viewing it as a source of "capitalist exploitation".
But authentic free market economics provides the proper path to working
class liberation. The removal of state-imposed impediments to economic
activity-taxes, regulations, prohibitions, licenses, currency monopoly,
patents, subsidies-would naturally result in the dramatic expansion of
the quantity and variety of businesses, partnerships and enteprenuerial
associations of virtually every kind. If mutual banks of the Proudhonian
variety were allowed to issue private banknotes with the output of future
production used as collateral, then the capacity for self-employment would
be readily available for anyone with marketable skills. A dramatic increase
in the number of businesses and employers would mean that workers would
have a much larger number of potential employers to choose from in addition
to greatly expanded opportunities for self-employment. This would in turn
radically increase the bargaining power of workers in terms of their dealings
with employers. The cost of wage labor would increase as the market for
employees became drastically more competitive. Workers in large scale industrial
operations would have the option of demanding the right of self-management
if they so desired and, given the expanded availability of credit and capital,
workers would be able to buy out capitalists and essentially become their
own employers. So the dominant forms of economic organization in an authentic
free market would be worker-owned and operated industries, partnerships,
cooperatives, a mass of small businesses, modestly sized private companies
and self-employed persons. Industries that remained nominally owned by
outside shareholders would largely function on a co-determined basis, that
is, as partnerships between shareholders and labor with labor having the
upper hand.(8) So the traditional anarcho-syndicalist ideal of an industrial
system owned and operated by the workers could, for the most part, be achieved
in the context of a stateless free market. Removal of statist obstacles
to the creation of housing and health care and the production of services
would simultaneously increase the supply and reduce the cost of such goods.
As the overall cost of living declined, workers would be able to work less,
retire at an earlier age or opt for part time employment. A stable currency
would stall the advancement of inflation thereby increasing the security
of elderly and retired persons. Rents, mortage payments and credit debts
would undergo an overall decrease and home ownership would become more
accessible to the average working person. Greater accessibility to land
resulting from the elimination of federal government and agribusiness related
land monopolies and the application of the homesteading principle would
result in the revival of traditional family farms. Similarly, a lowered
cost of living would reduce the need for two-income households thereby
reviving traditional households and increasing the degree of attentiveness
of parents to children. It would probably take volumes to completely describe
the effect that the removal of the state would likely have on the nature
and structure of the economy and the types of institutions that might exist
in anarcho-socialist system. Suffice to say that such a system would be
as different from what we are familiar with as the current system is from
the old feudal order. The question of getting there from here is obviously
a monumental one. Drastic reconstructions or alterations of social systems
usually follow a crisis of some severe sort. The conversion to an entirely
different order, of whatever kind, will likely occur after the current
system has run its course. A social apocalypse of this type may not be
that far away. Professor Hoppe has warned of the likely consequences of
the path currently being pursued by the welfare-warfare corporate states
of the advanced countries.(9) As the liabilities of modern states for social
insurance payments and public debts become ever more exorbitant, taxes
and bureaucracy consume more and more of the gross national product, real
wages and productivity decline, and currency devaluation continues, an
eventual economic meltdown seems quite likely. These factors combined with
military-imperial overstretch and persistent ethnic and cultural strife
generated by the state's "divide and conquer" strategy of population control
may well result in an overall systemic collapse similar to that experienced
by the Communist states of the East. The type of politico-economic system
that would emerge after such an event is obviously quite difficult to predict.
Like Confucious, Machiavelli and Hume before him, and Mises and Rothbard
later on, Bakunin recognized that a natural aristocracy of cultural and
intellectual leaders typically set the tone of the society. He conceived
of the idea of "principled militants" leading large popular organizations
and carrying out social reconstruction by example and inspiration. To some
degree this was realized by the Bakuninist-influenced Spanish anarchist
movement with the core of militants and intellectuals gathered around the
Iberran Anarchist Federation (FAI) leading the much, much larger anarchist
labor movement. The Velvet Revolutions of Eastern Europe featured intellectuals
such as Vaclav Havel as de facto leaders of a broader popular revolt. Hoppe
specifically recommended the application of a modified version of the traditional
syndicalist program to the economies of the Eastern European nations.(10)
They would have done well to heed his advice. Following a similar revolution
in the West, popular organizations would have to emerge whose leaders were
committed to anarchist objectives. There are "non-market" anarcho-socialists
as well as advocates of the "free market socialism" that I have outlined
above. Prototypes for non-market socialism already exist in the form of
the various intentional communities to be found here and there. There is
such a community about an hour's drive from my residence that has been
in existence for about thirty years and maintains a steady population of
about one hundred or so. It is possible that communes of a hundred people
could be grouped together with one another into larger units of, say, ten
communes who were then federated with ten other groups of ten communes
and so on thereby creating a fairly large anarcho-communist federation
involving tens of thousands of people. However, the larger such activities
became the more an explicit market would be needed for the determination
of prices and the productive allocation of resources. I have come across
some anarcho-communists who believe it is possible to have a global communist
system that includes a form of central planning that does not involve a
state, but the less said about such ideas the better, in my view. (11)
The sustainability of a socialist-anarchist economy would largely be dependent
upon the natural system of checks and balances resulting from the dramatic
alteration of the labor market that would occur following the abolition
of the state. Additional checks and balances might involve the making of
shares in worker owned industries non-marketable and the defining of property
rights according to usufructuary (ownership based on use and occupation)
rather than Lockean principles as an impediment to the centralization of
control over resources. It is on this point that there is likely to be
the greatest amount of disagreement between anarcho-socialists and anarcho-capitalists.
I believe the two can co-exist. The overall society-wide meta-system that
I favor is one of local option. Some communities could choose to recognize
absentee ownership rights while others might not. The end result might
be a geographical division similar to that found in the current American
states where local laws pertaining to capital punishment, gambling, the
regulation of alcohol, etc. differ from place to place. Other issues on
which anarchists and libertarians often disagree-abortion, animal rights,
ecology, children's rights- might be handled in a similar manner. Lastly,
it is widely recognized that the survival of any social system is largely
dependent on, first, the consensus of the cultural and intellectual elite,
and, secondly, popular opinion. Over time, customs, traditions and habits
might develop that were conducive to the maintenance of the anarchist system
through diffuse sanctions and social pressure. As Jefferson said, "Eternal
vigilance is the price of liberty". As for the specific question asked
by a reader related to the issue of how a Wal-Mart or McDonald's might
be communalized, I am skeptical as to whether or not large retail and fast
food chains of the type we are currently familiar with could even exist
in a genuine free market. The success of these chains results from their
ability to undercut their local competitors with lower prices. But their
lower prices are possible only because of the massive state subsidies to
trucking, shipping, infrastructure, aviation, etc. If such corporations
had to cover their own costs in these areas, they might not be able to
compete with local alternatives.(12) Barring such a scenario, however,
I suspect these industries might be "communalized" through either an employee
buyout or through implementation of a general strike for worker self-management.
There is also the possibility of a buyout by federations of community,
environmental, consumer and other types of popular organizations. Saul
Alinsky once envisioned an industrial system where large groups of small
shareholders meet in stadiums to determine corporate policy. Whether this
would be feasible or not, I'm not sure. But it's an interesting idea. Lastly,
let me say that I consider anarcho-capitalists and other libertarians to
be valuable and reliable allies in the broader struggle against the state
itself. I regard this struggle as the overriding priority. I believe there
is plenty of room for different economic beliefs and institutions to co-exist
just as it is possible for a plurality of cultures, religions and ethnic
groups to co-exist as well. I am sympathetic to anyone who is in sincere
opposition to what Nock described as "our enemy, the state". To use a slogan
that some would regard as an oxymoron, "Anarchists Unite!" Notes: (1) Noam
Chomsky, Secrets, Lies and Democracy (2) Kevin A. Carson, "The Iron Fist
Behind the Invisible Hand" (3) Incidentally, Bakunin believed the federalist
structure of the Confederate States of America to be a prototype for a
decentralized anarchist federation, a fact that would make most of today's
politically correct anarcho-leftoids gag if they were aware of it. (4)
Kevin A. Carson, "Liberalism and Social Control: The New Class' Will to
Power" (5) Charley Reese, 6/10/02 column. (6) Quoted in "Liberalism and
Social Control", by Carson (7) I have discussed some of these matters in
several other essays. See "Conservatism is Not Enough", "Anarchism or Anarcho-Social
Democracy" and "Reply to Brian Oliver Sheppard's 'Anarchism Vs. Right-Wing
Anti-Statism" at www.attackthesystem.com/commentary.html (8) "Iron Fist",
by Carson. See also my review of Carson, "Capitalism Versus Free Enteprise"
(9) Hans Hermann Hoppe, "Democracy: The God That Failed". See my review
of Hoppe at www.anti-state.com/preston/preston2.html or www.attackthesystem.com/hoppe.html.
(10) "Democracy", by Hoppe. (11) For an example of this see "The Northeastern
Anarchist: Magazine of the North Eastern Federation of Anarchist-Communists",
Spring/Summer 2002.(12) "Iron Fist", by Carson Google, Linux, and
open source codeLinux Feels the Corporate Love Michelle Delio Aug.
14, 2002 PDT For one moment, it seemed that almost everyone at LinuxWorld
wanted to be Sergey Brin. Sure, Brin's status as co-founder and president
of Geek-beloved search engine Google had something to do with it. But what
really pushed the crowds who gathered to hear Brin's keynote at LinuxWorld
right over the edge was Brin's statement that Google is powered by the
world's largest commercial Linux cluster. Right then and there, almost
everyone in the audience suddenly and clearly understood the meaning of
"covet." "Imagine heading up a company that's powered by 10,000 Linux servers,"
Martin Felts, a systems security manager, said. "Logically, I knew it's
not like Sergey can just muck around with Google's machinery whenever he
has a whim, but still. I think everyone who heard his speech wanted to
become Brin for at least a day." Along with Brin's enthusiastic endorsement
of Linux, Amazon also weighed in with Walt Nelson, senior manager of corporate
systems, detailing the money that the online bookseller has saved since
it switched to Linux in January 2001. Both presentations were enhancements
on what seems to be developing into LinuxWorld San Francisco's unofficial
theme: "Show Us How to Save Money." Brin's keynote, titled "The Open Source
Tsunami," was a detailed explanation of how and why Google chose to work
with Linux. "Google uses Linux everywhere, on servers and on desktop machines
for all of our technical employees," Brin told the crowd. He explained
that Linux was chosen because it "offers us the best price-for-performance
ratio, plus it's great to be able to customize any part of the operating
system whenever we want to." Many Google employees are expert Linux programmers,
Brin said, which allows the company to develop new technology quickly and
efficiently. Brin said that most of Google's administrative tools were
also developed in-house. Amazon's Nelson seemed less enamored of the programming
possibilities offered by Linux. Amazon made a pragmatic decision to switch
to Linux specifically to reduce costs, according to Nelson. Nelson said
that the company has seen a 25 percent reduction -- which amounts to millions
of dollars -- in technology expenses, and a little over an 11 percent reduction
in infrastructure maintenance costs and software licensing fees since switching
to the open-source operating system. Some cost savings were due to equipment
and service price drops in the sluggish tech market, but Nelson attributes
the bulk of the savings to Linux. Judging by the testimonials at the show,
Linux has come a long way in the past year and is gaining many fans in
influential places as companies scramble to cut costs. Linux is a money
saver in several ways. The operating system can be downloaded for free,
or a single copy can be purchased from a company like SuSe or RedHat and
then installed on as many computers as a company chooses. "Closed source"
software manufacturers typically charge a per-user licensing fee. And Linux
users have a wide range of no-cost or low-cost applications to choose from,
all of which are also installable on multiple machines for no additional
fees. "Contrast that sort of deal with Windows XP and Office XP and its
'product activation technology' that locks each copy of Windows and Office
to a particular computer, and you see the savings," Frank Futhen, a systems
analyst from California attending LinuxWorld, said. "Linux simply makes
good financial sense." But Peter Houston, senior director of Microsoft's
server division, said that Linux has hidden costs. "You may pay more for
Microsoft products up front, but we believe a fully supported and easy-to-deploy
computing platform pays off real dividends in the long run," Houston said.
It's no surprise that the general sentiment at LinuxWorld, a trade show
populated primarily by programmers and diehard Linux lovers, would run
against Houston's statement, but a recent study by analysts at the
Yankee Group shows that many mainstream companies are very interested in
Linux. The Yankee group study indicated that interest in alternatives to
Microsoft's operating system is at the highest level in over a decade,
due to their appeal as the 'un-Windows' solution, according to Yankee Group
senior analyst and report author Laura DiDio. "Corporate user resentment
and dissatisfaction with Microsoft and some of its practices are at an
all-time high," DiDio said. "A myriad of issues ranging from Microsoft's
perceived monopolistic practices, hyperbolic marketing, ongoing security
woes and habitually slipping ship dates of major new product releases,
as well as confusion surrounding the overall .Net strategy, have undermined
corporate customer confidence." DiDio's survey of 1,500 corporations found
that nearly 40 percent of the respondents "were so outraged" by Microsoft's
new licensing plans that they are actively seeking alternatives. Several
products at LinuxWorld should appeal to those in search of alternatives.
Linux has yet to really catch on as a desktop operating system, but Red
Hat aims to change that with a version of Linux specifically tailored for
use on business desktops. Red Hat's not-cheerfully code-named "Limbo" desktop
operating system is being billed as easier to deploy and use than the current
version of Red Hat Linux. Earlier on Tuesday, Scott McNealy, president,
CEO and chairman at Sun, promised that Sun would also be announcing Linux-on-the-desktop
news in the next month or so. "Linux is doing very well on the desktop,"
McNealy said during his keynote wired.com/news/linux/0,1411,54503,00.html.
"We love that, and I promise you will hear more from us on this subject.
Stay tuned, you will see more." --------------- The Hobohemians On the
rails with the new freedom riders\b0 by Ben Ehrenreich I WON'T TELL
YOU EXACTLY WHERE WE ARE, LEST UNION PACIFIC get wise and throw up another
security camera, a few more reels of razor wire or some of those infrared
sensors I keep hearing about. Suffice it to say that we're east of the
river, not too far from downtown, and that there are a lot of train tracks
around -- which is the point, really, since we're here to catch a train,
but not Amtrak or Metrolink or anything so banal. We want a northbound
freight, with luck one that will take us all the way up to Dunsmuir, just
50 or 60 miles below the Oregon line, in time for the annual hobo gathering
there.We heave our packs onto our shoulders and trek over mounds of concrete
and twisted rebar. We settle in a clearing surrounded by rusted truck cadavers,
their doors hanging open like broken wings, and listen to the hissing of
air brakes in the yard behind us, to the hum of the electric wires, crickets
chirping, and garbled orders from the Men's Central Jail PA system echoing
across the river. What we don't hear is trains. Forty minutes go by, and
not one has passed. "This is the waiting part," says Clare. Virginia, who
has four years of sporadic train-hopping under her belt, nods in agreement.
"This is what it's mainly like." On the way to the Dunsmuir Hobo Gathering,
Clare practices hobo songs on her ukulele.Virginia, Clare and I spend the
night curled in our sleeping bags amid the chaparral and rubbish. Only
two trains pass -- one heading south, and a northbound that could've been
ours had a crew of workers not been laboring a few yards away. With dawn
our camp is revealed in all its postnuclear glory. I find an empty backpack,
a handmade shank with its blade snapped off, a spool of surgical tape and
a Bible, one of its pages penciled full with Spanish scribblings. I can
make out only one sentence: "Love is extinguishing itself." We return at
night and are almost ready to give up when four locomotives roll slowly
out of the yard, towing a northbound freight. They're gorgeous, sleek and
huge and gleaming, all power and promise in the yellow lithium light. We
jog through the gravel, lugging our packs and, running now, grab the ladder
to a piggyback, leap up and pull ourselves on. A piggyback is a flat car
that carries the ass end of a semi truck, just the cargo box and the rear
axles. We jam our packs into the narrow spaces above the axles and hide
behind the wheels. I curl myself as small as possible, dreading the beam
of a spotlight, the bark of a cop. The train stops for five minutes and
I do my best not to move. It picks up again, slowly, and the river snakes
by to my right. The towers on Bunker Hill loom bright in the distance,
looking sillier than they ever have before. We pass Main Street and are
out of the yard, picking up speed. Sitting there, wedged in among brake
hoses, fluid reservoirs and spiny metal things, with dozens of identical
cars ahead of me and more than I can count behind, I panic for a second
and ask myself, "Just where in fuck's name am I going?" Then a smile spreads
itself across my face, and I don't care at all. WE'RE HEADING TO DUNSMUIR
TO EXplore this curiously American phenomenon, which, despite rumors of
its death dating back at least a half-century, seems to be catching on
again. Men (and until recently, it has been largely men) began riding freight
trains after the Civil War, when enough track had been laid to make it
worthwhile, and enough dislocated veterans had become averse to staying
still. Since then every major war and economic downturn has seen a return
to the rails, providing a sort of shadow history of America, a constantly
mobile underground of migrant workers, radicals, dreamers and thieves,
misfits of all kinds who didn't mesh with the societal weave. During the
depressions of the 1890s and 1930s, it was a common if not entirely acceptable
way for working-class men to get around in search of wages. In the '30s,
Frank Czerwanka, one of Studs Terkel's sources in \i Hard Times\i0 , recalled,
"When a train would stop in a small town and the bums got off, the population
tripled." The hobo's death knells began tolling shortly thereafter, and
have been ringing ever since. Prosperity and the automobile kept people
in houses and on the road, and by 1960, Jack Kerouac was blaming the hobo's
death on the still-fledgling rise of the security state: "Today the hobo's
made to slink -- everybody's watching the cop heroes on TV." Though nearly
every book written about hobos since then has mourned them as a dying breed,
and despite all the cameras and infrared gadgets, thousands still manage
to slip through Kerouac's "cop-avoiding night" to steal a little fast freedom
from a shrink-wrapped world. ---- From the sublime . .---- Today,
except for immigrant workers eager to stay invisible, few ride the rails
just to get from place to place. With all the risk and potential for mishaps,
comic and tragic both, walking is almost more efficient. But since the
early '90s, train-hopping has been gaining ground among a new generation
of tramps. The grizzled old hobos may be dying off, but they're being replaced
in boxcars and on the porches of grain cars by street kids, gutter punks,
dreamy anarchists and eco-warriors, train-obsessed professionals, all held
loosely together by a vision of freedom as old as the nation itself, an
America of movement and self-reliance, of mythic vastness and silence,
of discovery, escape, rebellion. It's an America that was offered long
ago and never delivered, that we're all supposed to love but not allowed
to look for, that's just around the corner and always out of reach.
THE WORLD LOOKS DIFFERENT FROM A freight train. There's no heat and no
a/c. No meals are served. The restroom is wherever you find it. There are
no buttons to push or cords to pull when you want off. The train goes where
it wants when it wants to, and sometimes doesn't go at all. It doesn't
care about your wishes. It doesn't like or want you, doesn't even know
you're there. It can kill you without a thought, can leave you behind,
maimed and bleeding, without a moment of remorse. There's no getting around
it -- it's ridiculously romantic. \trowd\trgaph150\trleft-195\trqc\cellx8210d\intbl
\b Ben, a crusty punk, tagging the Black Butte watering tank, built in
We stay hidden as the train makes its way out of Los Angeles. Virginia's
at the other end of the car, and I'm crouched beneath the axle beside Clare,
a Web editor and sometime hobo who flew down from Berkeley to join us for
the ride. We pass a Burbank strip mall, Krispy Kreme, Staples, Target,
Best Buy, and I can't help but laugh out loud. All those packaged comforts,
the shadowless, dust-free expanses of American convenience, exist now in
another world completely. We thump off through the Valley, past auto-parts
stores, taquer\'edas, the leering pink neon of motels and topless bars.
The L.A. night slides by -- a different country, already far away. We leave
the city and chug up through the mountains. It's too loud to talk. The
train shakes out a cacophony that seems intentionally musical: a high-pitched
squeal that varies from hiss to yawn with the steady bass rumble of the
turning wheels, in turns cruel and joyful and terrifically sad, layered
with the backbeat of the shaking steel car. I hold my ears as we echo through
a tunnel and the high notes break toward painful. At around 3:30, the train
shudders to a halt somewhere in the Antelope Valley. Bats flutter in the
streetlights. After 10 minutes another train passes us, and we lurch on
forward into the desert. We sleep for two or three hours, waking cramped
under the axle, a cold wind blowing, our faces blackened with diesel smoke
and dust. The sun rises and the air warms quickly. The Tehachapis roll
by, golden on all sides, dotted with oaks and the occasional horse farm.
We pack our gear and keep low behind the wheels until we've cleared the
Bakersfield yards. After Bakersfield we fly, maybe 70 miles an hour, past
rusting factories of corrugated metal, pink trailer homes, a man watering
his lawn, sunflowers as big as your head. We speed through miles of vineyards
and citrus groves, along Highway 99, past sprinklers irrigating green fields
in great white arcs, past three men trying to free a forklift stuck in
dried mud. It smells of fertilizer, cow shit, diesel. We do our best to
sleep through the morning, chasing the sun across the floor for the heat.
I wake and see a world that is green forever in every direction but up.
Later, I open my eyes to a huge white silo, filling the sky like a spaceship.
This is the West as hallucination, as fever dream -- as strange and beautiful
as you always knew it was. Cows loiter in a flooded field. We pass a bowling
alley, a truck stop, a burned-out nightclub, a street called Temperance
Avenue, swallows diving over a field of corn, a Costco, a man standing
alone beside the track, looking right at me but not seeing me at all.The
Bull\b0 AFTER 13 HOURS, THE PIGGYBACK IS just starting to feel like home
when we're spotted by Union Pacific police in a small train yard in the
town of Lathrop, just outside of Stockton. The train has come to a stop,
and as a white Ford Explorer pulls up in the gravel at the far end of the
car, Clare begins to laugh. "Please step off the train," someone says,
and Clare's shoulders start shaking. Funny time to laugh, I think. She
covers her mouth to try and hold it in. "What?" I say. It seems Virginia
had taken advantage of the train's stillness to heed nature's call, and
was squatting over the edge of the car when the bull drove up. A stocky,
pink man, he seems a little embarrassed -- pinker than usual perhaps --
but mainly pleased, like he's already looking forward to chuckling about
it over a quiet beer after work. Clare doesn't have to wait, and is laughing
openly when another Explorer stops beside us and we climb off too. The
second bull, a compact Latino man in a blue uniform, asks Clare and me
if we are associated with "the FRA." (He's talking about the FTRA, which
stands for either Fuck the Reagan Administration or Freight Train Riders
of America, and is alleged by everyone from Fox News to \i The Times\i0
of London to be a "gang of killers who prey on the weak" -- more on that
later.) We are not. He asks me if I'm armed, asks where we're coming from,
where we're going and if we've done this before, and seems as much motivated
by curiosity as any putative intelligence-gathering. He takes our IDs,
but doesn't bother to check them for warrants. He's almost apologetic when
he finally hands us our tickets, citations for misdemeanor trespassing,
and tries to make up for it by giving us directions to a homeless mission
five miles off in Stockton, and offering a little advice: "Now you never
heard this from me, but if you're going to ride freight trains, be careful,
and I'd prefer you do it after dark." It won't be dark for seven hours,
so we hitch a ride to a bus stop and two buses later are in Roseville.
We hike from the station to the freight yards, and by midnight have found
an open boxcar on a northbound train. (On the West Coast, northbounds generally
carry empty lumber cars, which come back south piled high with fresh-sawed
timber.) We climb in, spread our bedrolls in a corner and fall asleep to
the sound of hammers clanking far off in the yard, and to the steady click
and kiss of the idling engines, like someone spitting on a white-hot stone.
Three hours later the car rolls out of the yard, and within a few minutes
is speeding along, singing and pounding, its floor vibrating at a frequency
that could iron out your elbows and turn your spine to jelly. For all that,
a boxcar is a great ride. You have shelter from sun, wind, rain and the
prying eyes of cops. If you're lucky and both doors are open, you have
two huge bay windows and a choice of views. It's roomy, with a high vaulted
ceiling, perhaps indifferently furnished -- some broken two-by-fours, stray
cardboard -- but still bigger than a lot of apartments I've rented. Until
last year, a boxcar could easily have fetched two grand or more a month
on the Manhattan real estate market. I lie awake until the boxcar's groans
and belches begin to sound like voices. "Shhh!" they say. "Last! Phhhh.
Eat 'em! Pht! Eat 'em! Tsph. Get 'em out!" I drift off and wake in the
mountains, in a forest of high firs. The earth is red here. We pass fingers
of Lake Shasta, dotted with fishermen and kids on boats, the water clear
and green. Purple wildflowers line the tracks; the Sacramento River flows
fast and white beside us. Finally Mount Shasta appears, a giant ice-cream
sundae of a hill, alone on the horizon, snow-topped and startling. We've
arrived. \b The Convention\b0 DUNSMUIR IS A PRETTY LITTLE TOWN, nestled
beside the river in evergreen hills, with a population (1,923) slightly
lower than its altitude. It's been a railroad town for more than a century,
a crew-change spot for the Union Pacific. It became briefly famous in 1991,
when a train derailed and emptied a tank car filled with herbicide into
the Sacramento, killing every bug, bird and fish for miles. It's been tidied
up, I'm told. Today, railroad kitsch and fly-fishing are the staples of
the local tourist industry, and this weekend, the trout are biting obediently
and the Dunsmuir Railroad Days festival is under way. On a
wooded strip of land between the tracks and the river a 10-minute walk
from town, the 2002 Dunsmuir Hobo Gathering has already begun. Only the
old-timers have arrived, sitting in a clearing drinking beer until we trudge
in and they all rise to greet us. North Bank Fred is here, an amiable local
train-hopper and railroad nut who organized the Gathering, and who looks
like a phys. ed. teacher gone slightly to seed -- always in red track shorts
and sneakers, usually shirtless with a liter of Gallo white port in one
fist. We meet a quiet silver-bearded man named Buzz Blur, who turns out
to be a legendary boxcar graffiti artist, and the intensely friendly New
York Ron, who speaks in a mile-a-minute upstate accent of a variety you
don't hear much anymore. "I just got outta jail!" he says by way of greeting,
vigorously pumping my hand. "Congratulations," I say, unsure if that's
the appropriate response. He tells me he got nabbed by the bull up in Klamath
Falls, Oregon, after riding in all the way from Albany, and that he just
finished an eight-year stint in a Montana prison (for what, exactly, I
never learn). We meet a tall, slender man with an easy smile who combs
his long, yellow-gray hair with obsessive regularity ("I'm a platinum blond,"
he laughs) and looks a bit like Donald Sutherland left out in the sun.
He sticks out his hand and says his name with a grin: "No-Nuts." Later,
we'll argue about who gets to ask him how he came to be called that, but
it turns out it's no secret: He earned his name the hard way in Vietnam.
We meet a bearish fellow named Tennessee, and the voluble Silver Miner
Larry, a fast-talking tramp with short gray hair, his eyes a little loose
in their sockets. He introduces his old lady, whose name is either Kimberly
or Bert or Whistle Britches, depending on whom you ask, and who, before
the weekend is over, will somehow manage to break her leg in three places
while squatting to pee. >>>picture: The trading blanket: Hoppers
negotiate for train patches, old railroad dated nails, hand warmers, etc.
That night we bring a pint of whiskey over to the clearing, expecting to
find a crew of beer-happy tramps to share it with. Instead there's just
Tennessee, sitting alone in the dark, working on one last 12-pack of Natural
Ice. Over the next few days I will never see Tennessee sober, neither at
9 a.m. nor midnight. Nor will I ever witness him being anything but gentlemanly,
regardless of his condition -- he will one afternoon rouse himself unsolicited
from what looks like a near-comatose state to help me lug a couple bulky
25-pound packs a quarter-mile down the tracks. He's bearded and a little
shaggy, like Santa's wayward younger brother, with fists large enough to
make the beer cans they continually clutch look like they belong in a dollhouse,
and a North Florida drawl as thick as his forearms. He complains of a Siskiyou
County sheriff's deputy named Stuart, who lives around the bend and will
prove to be no end of trouble. "Excuse my language," Tennessee says, "but
he's a real fuckin' prick." Just the other day, he says, he was walking
over the bridge to the Texaco on a beer run, when Stuart stopped him. He
ran his ID for warrants and found none. ("I'm unwanted," Tennessee says.)
"He said, 'Why don't you get out of here?' I said, 'Where you want me to
go?' He said, 'Just go. I don't care where. Go to Roseville, Klamath Falls,
Eugene, Reno, Elko, I don't care, just get outta here.' I said, 'I been
to those places, and they all told me the same thing. Except they said
come here.'" Tennessee sips the whiskey gratefully, chases it with beer,
then holds forth on the nemesis of West Coast tramps, the bull in Klamath
Falls, a certain Roger the Dodger. \b Roger the Dodger\b0 EVERY WORLD AND
EVERY ERA NEEDS its myths, its saints and its demons, and this one is no
exception. Meet Roger the Dodger, a trickster-devil for the epoch of the
corporatized rails. Not that he's not real -- even those who doubt his
omnipresence and scoff at his legendary powers affirm that Roger does exist.
Like Lucifer, he stood among the angels once. Back before Union Pacific
bought out Southern Pacific, Roger was a friend to the tramp. He was hard
but kind, and made only two demands: "Stay off of my money, stay off of
my power." So long as he didn't catch you riding a hotshot (a high-priority
train towing particularly valuable freight) or stowing away in one of the
rear locomotives, you could count on a smooth ride through K-Falls. If
you abided by his rules, he'd let you be, and might even tell you when
your train was leaving, and on which track. But after the buyout, legend
has it, the corporate powers put the screws on -- if Roger wanted his job
and his pension, he'd have to bust some tramps. He took to his task with
all the zeal of the converted. If you can believe the stories, Roger the
Dodger never sleeps. He works no fixed hours and knows the tracks like
the veins in his arms. You've got a slim chance passing through K-Falls
under cover of night, but in daylight it's near impossible, says Tennessee:
"He'll get you, Roger will." It was Roger who got New York Ron, fresh from
the Montana pen, and kept him in the tank for two days with the snoring
drunks and, Ron says scornfully, "no shitter, just a piss hole." Roger
keeps a book two inches thick containing the name of every tramp he's ever
come across, says Ron. Their only other encounter was 10 years ago, but
Roger remembered the name and flipped straight to the tattered page. So
if you choose to ride the rails, take Tennessee's advice, and "Watch out
for old Roger" -- no matter where you are. "I've even seen him right here,"
Tennessee swears, "under that bridge." Tennessee is not joking, but Roger's
not there now, and won't be tomorrow either, though a steady stream of
tramps will be coming up the tracks all day long. Save for a few stragglers,
everyone will be here by afternoon, and before they all arrive, some introductions
are in order. \b The Tramps\b0 TODAY'S OLD-TIMERS, OF COURSE, ARE not the
old-timers of yesteryear. Even a decade ago, there were still a few left
who'd been tramping since the hobo glory days of the Depression. Most of
them are now dead or indoors, and a generational shift has occurred. The
romantic hobo of kitsch and legend can be safely buried. The old-timers
of today hit the rails in the '60s and early '70s, most after coming back
from Vietnam to a country into which they no longer quite fit. Others were
casualties of the '60s drug culture who either lost everything or decided
after some consideration that Main Street America was worth avoiding. As
harmless as most of them now seem -- usually blind drunk, and pretty damned
rickety even when they're not -- they're a gristly bunch. More than a couple
of those present are members of the aforementioned organization, the FTRA,
the object of a storm of media hype in the 1990s, when they were blamed
for a string of murders. Most of these turned out to be committed by one
man, Robert "Sidetrack" Silveria, who confessed in 1996 to killing 28 tramps.
It's not even clear that Silveria ever claimed to be in the FTRA, but the
reputation stuck, and whenever a newspaper or tabloid-news show wants to
warn kids to stay in their cars and in their bedrooms, they trot out "the
killers of the rails." You've met a few of the old tramps already. There's
also New York Slim, a 6-and-a-half-foot black man with an enormous laugh
and a tiny, cockeyed dog. Only the white hairs in his beard give away his
age -- without them he could pass for 40. He survived a POW camp, but stays
sober and radiates calm. Slim's generosity and easy regality win him the
instant loyalty of almost all the younger tramps. He complicates the common
assertion that the FTRA is a white-supremacist group: A couple of members
do have swastikas tattooed on their arms, but Slim is not only accepted,
he's treated with more respect and deference than anyone else around. These
days he's rubber-tramping, getting around in an old blue pickup rather
than by rail. Then there's Magoo, who, like Tennessee, is never without
a beer in one hand, sometimes with a pint of whiskey in the other -- even
shortly after sunrise, still sitting on his bedroll. "They call me Magoo,"
he tells me, "because I can't see past . . ." he pauses for a good 10 seconds
before coming up with ". . . dusk." It's often hard to figure out what
Magoo is saying, not only because of the drunken circuitousness of his
conversation, but because he laughs his way through most everything he
says. There's also Longhaired Donnie, not a vet ("I got a wing-nut pass,"
he explains, "but I can't get a wing-nut check. Figure that out.") and
not an FTRA member, "just an old hippie." With his long brown beard and
crumpled face, he looks like a wrinkled elf, though his eyes don't start
twinkling until he's had a few beers. Finally, Crazy Angel is only 29,
and thus hardly an old-timer. But he's been riding the rails since he was
14 ("I don't know," he shrugs when I ask him why he started, "I got tired
of all the bullshit"), and mainly hangs with the older tramps. When I first
see him it's like a vision out of \i The Road Warrior\i0 -- he's tall,
lanky and long-limbed, and walks down the tracks a stride behind his pit
bull, Meathead. The dog wears a collar studded with 2-inch steel spikes,
carries his own food and water in woven-leather saddle bags, and is so
well-trained he might as well speak English. Crazy Angel's muscled arms
are tattooed with grinning skulls, the letters FTRA, and a big red swastika.
His nose and lip are pierced with hoops, a metal spike protrudes from his
brow, and he has puzzle pieces tattooed on his shaved skull. Behind his
glasses, though, Crazy Angel's eyes are shy and questioning. He speaks
in soft, gentle tones, and laughs a goofy stoner's giggle. When asked how
he got his name, he blushes a little and says sincerely, "I guess it's
'cause I'm a nice guy." And he is. \b Crusties\b0 IF THE OLD-TIME TRAMPS
ARE THE PAST, fading as fast as their overworked livers, train-hopping's
future likely lies with crusty punks -- street kids so named for both a
frequent disregard for hygiene and a bristly punk-rock attitude. There
are plenty of others taking to the rails these days, but most of them do
it part-time. The crusties, who at this particular gathering are rather
slimly represented, are more often homeless, and if they can get as romantic
about trains as anyone else, they also ride them out of sheer practicality.
Take Rocco and Ben, who've been traveling together for more than two years.
Rocco, 23 and the more voluble of the two, hails originally from Virginia
and most recently from San Diego. He's got short black hair, \i hated\i0
is tattooed on his neck (it was \i hate\i0 originally, before he added
the \i d\i0 ), and he dresses in standard crusty fashion: faded black Slayer
T-shirt, cut-off Carharts patched and repatched, so well-worn they look
like leather. "Why I started," he says, "is because I got kicked out of
my house." He was 17, using a lot of crystal, living on Ocean Beach and
looking to get straight. "I never thought about being on the streets,"
he says. "I was like, 'What the fuck? How do you sustain? How do you eat?
What do you do?'" He met a kid who told him he'd just come in on a freight
train. "It was like \i Ding!\i0 -- the light bulb -- 'Why did I not think
of this?'" He left with no goal in mind except "to get the hell out of
there." His first ride took him to Mexico by mistake, the next one to Barstow,
where he stayed in a mission for a while. "I don't do homeless missions
anymore," he says. "I can depend on myself more." He Dumpster-dives for
food, panhandles, works when he can. "If you're starving in America, you're
a fool." Despite the anarchist tattoo on Rocco's arm, he doesn't see train-hopping
in any explicitly political context, except as rejection and flight. "The
way we live is not acceptable to society." The distaste is mutual: "I don't
care for greed," he says. "That's why society's so filthy and shitlike."
Rocco tries to downplay his love of trains -- he rides because, he says,
"I don't want to be bound by anything. I don't want to be tied down." But
he has a boyish enthusiasm for big machines, and a hard time keeping it
from showing. "For me it's to escape. And it is my transportation, like
people use their cars. I really love it," he concludes, waving his hands
in frustration, unable to express the depth of his feeling. His partner,
Ben, taller and more reserved, will later open up over a few beers and
put it like this: "Sometimes I feel like I'm the richest guy in the world.
I could've set out to make a million dollars and never seen the things
I've seen. But I didn't. I decided to be poor." \b Pixies\b0 THEY ARRIVE
IN GROUPS OF 10 OR 12 at a time, around 40 of them altogether. Most are
in their early 20s and look a lot more prosperous and middle-class than
the crusties: Their faces are rounder; they wear Tevas rather than combat
boots and carry expensive camping gear instead of battered army-surplus
packs. Despite the road dirt and the long trip, they glow with youthful
exuberance and hardly rest before they begin sorting lentils and chopping
potatoes for a big vegan mulligan stew. Enough came from Santa Cruz that
they had to meet before they left and divide into three shifts to prevent
dozens from descending on the train yards all at once. Many of them haven't
hopped before, or have done so only rarely, and most, when asked what got
them interested in hopping, say the same thing: "Lee." Banjo Fred performs
at Black Butte camp.Lee Desaux, 47, is a sort of Pied Piper of Santa Cruz,
where he's been living in well-appointed squats in the woods for more than
a decade. Invariably dressed in torn cutoff black sweatpants and boots,
his neck and arms bejeweled with aluminum hose clamps, Lee's been riding
since 1986, and introducing the barefoot and besandaled, eco-radical, neo-hippie
set to the rails for almost as long. For Lee, and most of the Santa Cruz
crew, train-hopping is a beautiful way to see the country, a source of
community and, he says, with trademark squinty smile, "a natural extension
of our visions and lifestyles." It's a way to get around without buying
into the money economy, a way of consuming without waste, of living off
the leftovers of American abundance in the same spirit as squatting unused
land and subsisting on food that grocery stores and restaurants discard.
Freight trains are like a communal garden that moves. \b Espresso\b0 LAST
COME THE YUPPIE HOBOS, IN which category I include not just the ones whose
cell phones wake them up on boxcars, but all those folks with homes and
jobs somewhere who could afford Amtrak but ride the rails because they
love it. Some make occasional long-weekend excursions, others organize
their lives around trains. Take Clare, who rode with Virginia and me up
from L.A., but fell ill shortly after arriving in Dunsmuir and left for
home. She does freelance work in what's left of the Bay Area's e-economy
and has taken a handful of freight journeys over the last few years, once
as far as Iowa. She likes the adventure, she tells me on the phone a couple
of weeks later, and the fact that "When you're traveling by freight train
there's no advertising pointing at you. You go through the back yard of
America" without a billboard in sight. Longhaired Donnie and
his new girlfriends from Santa Cruz Or take a hobo couple, one member of
which will later e-mail me to ask that their names not be printed here.
He lives in the Midwest and reviews grant proposals for a living; she's
an ornithologist based in California. They met in a rail yard three years
ago. Both work freelance, and work just enough to be able to devote about
half of their time to train-hopping, riding back and forth across the West
to see each other. Or take SocX, pronounced \i socks\i0 -- it's a complicated
pun decipherable only by train freaks, but yes, it does refer to his hosiery,
which is enviably colorful. The 25-year-old sound engineer with an apartment
and a girlfriend back in Nashville took two weeks to get here. He started
riding short hops with a friend when he was 17 and was thrilled to learn
later that "This isn't just a mode of transportation, there's a culture
here." He rides as often as he can and absorbs the minutiae of railroad
history and lore like a sponge soaking up diesel. "I'm one of the complete
nutcases," he says. "If you would take a microscope to me, you'd see there's
trains running in my veins." Train-hopping is uncomfortable and dangerous
enough that it's rarely just a recreational activity: Most of the yuppie
hobos are seriously obsessed. They can talk trains for hours, which is
good, because the tramps and the more experienced crusties and hippies
can as well, so everyone gets along, more or less. And the yuppie hobos
often carry espresso pots, which everyone appreciates. \b The Law\b0 OUR
FIRST MORNING IN DUNSMUIR, the espresso pots have not yet emerged from
the rucksacks, so we head into town for eggs and bacon. On our way back,
a mopey young man who calls himself Papa Dalek tells us that Siskiyou County
sheriff's deputies have shown up at the campsite and, with shaky legal
reasoning, ordered everyone to clear out. People were trespassing on private
land, they were drinking in public, it didn't matter what they were doing,
they had to leave. At a bend in the tracks, we meet Rocco and Ben, who
are waiting there to give new arrivals the options. The old-timers are
heading off to a place called Black Butte, they tell us, about a 15-minute
drive away. The rest are camping at another site downriver, a little farther
from town and, we hope, from the consciousness of the sheriffs. We head
for the latter, a high, sloping field on the other side of the tracks,
thick with poison oak. It's not long before Ben and Rocco turn up -- they
were just chased off by four sheriffs toting shotguns and a dog. Eight
kids from Santa Cruz, their faces still blackened with freight-train grit,
arrive looking shaken -- they too were greeted by the sheriff's impromptu
welcoming committee. Later, another group of Santa Cruzians who left their
packs at the original camp and hiked off to the waterfall upstream to frolic
and bathe will return and find the site abandoned, their packs emptied
and the contents strewn about the woods. They will find their sleeping
bags hanging from trees, bags of food and spices emptied in the dirt, $20
of food stamps torn apart. A tall, skinny 21-year-old with short blond
hair who goes by Buffalo Alice will find "all my personal possessions --
passport, pictures, letters, everything -- scattered and in the bushes."
An earnest, bearded substitute teacher named Doug (hobo name: D-Rail) will
search for one of his boots but never find it. Though no one will have
seen the culprits, no one will doubt their identities. \b Campfire Symphonics\b0
NOR DOES ANYONE WANT TO LET THE police spoil a good time, so once the sun
goes down and the lentils are gone, the beer starts flowing. A few Santa
Cruz kids break out guitars and begin singing songs about friendship, multinational
corporations and pollution. Rocco tells me about his father, who was once
in the military, assigned to some highly secret unit trained to kill people
quietly in foreign lands. Now he's a cop, and sounds like a real piece
of work. Rocco's clearly pretty broken up over the guy. He's also concerned
about my motivations, concerned I'll write something sensationalistic and
exploitative. He says he doesn't think society deserves to know about this
world, that people haven't earned it. Maybe he's an elitist asshole to
think that, he says, but that's how he feels. Some kids from Portland start
playing old bluegrassy hobo favorites on fiddle and guitar, and as I retreat
to my sleeping bag I hear the whoops and stomping feet of the dancing pixies
drifting up through the trees. Lying there in the dark, I consider what
Rocco has said, what everyone else has told me, and I understand that this
is about community, about finding a group of like-minded folks outside
the
usual channels, but also about creating a realm of skill, of secret knowledge,
virtue and style, that the scared and intolerant residents of comfortable
straight society cannot touch or understand. And Rocco does not want them
to understand. They have their own culture, and it's because that culture
is so insipid and corrupt that he sleeps out of doors. Hobohemia, to borrow
a term coined by the anarchist Ben Reitman in the '30s, is a separate world,
and defiantly so. It has its own rules and rewards, even if the rules are
rarely followed and the rewards frequently fail to materialize. It's a
secondary track off the American mainline in which courage and independence
still matter, in which freedom is not abstract but palpable, and easily
distinguishable from its opposites -- work, stasis, jail. This is true
for the idealistic Santa Cruz kids as much as it is for homeless punks
like Rocco, though for many of the former the risks are smaller. And it's
certainly true for the old tramps. All share a disappointment, to varying
degrees and in divergent ways, a nostalgia for an America that's failed
to become, the one we were promised in grade school, allegedly passed down
to us by vision-rattled heretics and daring claustrophobes, an America
already lost by the time Whitman and Thoreau claimed to have found it,
still a sustaining memory for the Beats and the hippies and even the fuck-off-and-leave-me-alone
punk rockers. Turning on my side, I can see Rocco standing by the fire
looking glum while the Santa Cruz kids go on singing about being free,
treading softly on the earth and loving one another. Then a train goes
by on the tracks below and silences them with its wails, and the train's
song seems to have lyrics this time, to sing of all that yearning, all
the failed dreams left to hang immaterial on the edges of cities, beneath
cement overpasses, in riverside jungles and hard urban squats, all that
space and longing squeezed into this rhythmic yowl and clang. Everyone
falls silent. The guitar and the fiddles stop, and maybe I'm drunk and
sentimental and imagining things, maybe it's just late and everyone is
tired, but it seems the train sang for them better than they knew how,
and when it passed there was nothing left to do but stumble off into the
woods and search out a piece of ground flat enough to sleep on. \b Railroad
Daze\b0 IT'S A HOT AND CLOUDLESS DAY. TOURists and locals line the street
in lawn chairs to wait for the Railroad Days parade. First come the VFW,
old men marching stiffly in uniform, guns and flags on their shoulders.
They're followed by a little girl dressed as the Statue of Liberty; some
Boy Scouts; two kids cruelly encumbered with sandwich boards advertising
Better Home Realty; seven vintage Corvettes; a few shiny fire trucks; a
grinning boy in a go-cart labeled the "Osama yo mama Payback mobile"; a
truck painted camouflage topped with waving children and a banner advertising
Bullseye Tactical Firearms Training ("Protect Your Family and Yourself").
An old Ford tows a covered wagon, manned by a family in pioneer drag. The
wagon is sponsored by the Dunsmuir Church of Christ, emblazoned with flags
and painted "All Aboard America, One Nation Under God." Finally, amid this
panoply of patriotism, claiming another branch of Americana, the Hobo Marching
Band arrives -- though this year their sign, in honor of the sheriff's
shenanigans, reads "Hobo Marching Banned." An old tramp named Tex, who
lives in a munitions dump outside of town, heads the group, hobbling along
with a cane. Beside him is Banjo Fred, a ghostly codger who leads the ragtag,
sunburned group in a rousing version of "This Land Is Your Land." Barefoot,
dreadlocked kids skip and dance and beat away at frying pans, empty water
bottles and upturned buckets. The onlookers seem torn: Some laugh and cheer,
others watch silently, sullen and suspicious. "Well," says Banjo Fred when
it's all over, addressing no one in particular, "if we didn't make an impression,
I don't know what would." There's a stage set up on a side street, nestled
among crowded booths selling tri-tip sandwiches and "Protected by Smith
& Wesson" T-shirts. The kids from Portland who played at the camp last
night take their seats. They're the Old Timey String Band, and they play
their old-timey music to appreciative hobos, who dance and stomp and whoop
it up in the hot sun without any sign of tiring. No locals join in. Rocco
and Ben look on in baffled silence. Half an hour goes by, and Rocco shakes
his head: "Man, these kids must eat better than I do." Another hour passes.
It only gets hotter, but the kids are still clapping and twirling, dousing
themselves with water to keep cool. "We need to have a country all our
own," Rocco decides. "It would be like this, all the time." \b Black Butte\b0
THE BAND'S SET ENDS AT LAST. A COUPLE of hours later, to avoid further
run-ins with the sheriff, everyone packs up and moves out to Black Butte,
an idyllic meadow of wildflowers and fragrant grasses a few miles up the
tracks, between Mount Shasta and the tower of rock that gives it its name.
For two days, train talk echoes around that meadow, pausing only when a
train goes by. Debates rage over which is the longest tunnel in the country,
which the highest pass. Most of the stories are tales of hardship, told
now with a laugh, of frigid nights going through the Donner Pass by mistake
without even cardboard to keep you warm, or of trains that stop and sit
for days in the Mojave in midsummer. Ben tells of being so cold one Wyoming
winter he had to stand all night because the soles of his shoes were the
only part of him that wouldn't freeze instantly to the boxcar's steel floor.
New York Slim tells about the guy whose face froze to just such a boxcar
floor, and how they had to heat the metal with torches from beneath to
melt him free. The stories dissolve into a sea of place names -- Marysville,
Eugene, Pocatello, Livingston, Ogden, Evanston, Sparks, Colton, Whitefish,
Green River, La Crosse -- an atlas of laughter and survival. Crazy Angel
keeps an eye on Meathead to make sure he doesn't get too close to New York
Slim's dog Babys, a snaggle-toothed little puff of white and brown fur
that Meathead would barely have to open his jaws to swallow. Meathead's
fine with people, Crazy Angel tells me, but he's "kind of antisocial" when
it comes to animals. In other words, "he likes to kill them." Meathead
would prefer a world stripped of all non-human fauna, and does what he
can to push things in that direction. So whenever he gets within 10 yards
of Slim's pet, Crazy Angel issues a string of commands, each one more or
less instantly obeyed: "Meathead, go over there. By the gear. Not there.
Over on the other side. A little farther. To the right a little. Farther.
Now lie down. Good dog." Sitting on his bedroll, old Magoo calls Meathead
over. He hugs him and kisses his brindled nose. No-Nuts laughs and suggests
that the two look alike. "Only difference is Meathead combs his hair better,"
he says. Later, Magoo sits perched on an overturned bucket with a couple
of drunken crusty punks and a pensive-looking Ben. He talks about Vietnam.
He was there early on, from '61 to '63, sent not to fight but to "teach."
He gestures with his beer can, marveling at the word. "They killed a lot
of my friends," Magoo says. "And I got good at killing them. And I got
to like it." His eyes are wide with residual wonder, still shocked by this
strange fact: "I got to like it a lot." Ben is silent. The drunk punks
talk about hitching into town to do some panhandling. "I was there two
years without even getting athlete's foot," Magoo goes on. "I wanted to
get shot, I just wanted to get out of there, but I couldn't." Magoo starts
in on a story about a reconnaissance mission. It's a bit hard to follow.
"They told me to find 'em. 'Find 'em or kill 'em?' I said. 'Find 'em,'
they said. 'Okay,' I said. And I found 'em." Ben gazes sadly at the ground;
the punks aren't listening at all. Magoo is "four clicks up the crik" when
he loses track of the story entirely and gives up. \b Catching Out (2)\b0
AFTER TWO DAYS OF LAZING ABOUT AT Black Butte, eating pancakes cooked over
a barrel fire on a greased-up sheet of scrap metal, drinking around that
same fire beneath a sky perilously heavy with stars, we say our goodbyes.
New York Slim gives us a lift back to Dunsmuir in the back of his truck,
a tarp pulled over our heads so the police won't have cause to stop him.
Seven of us are heading south: Virginia, myself and a schoolteacher from
Topanga named Jacob; Steve and Jodie, recently arrived from Portland; Longhaired
Donnie and Crazy Angel. Meathead the Dog makes eight. We miss one train
just as we get into the yard, and run up to the Texaco to buy food and
water for ourselves and beer for Donnie. This will be, he tells us, his
last ride. He's got an appointment in Roseville for an operation on his
eye ("a floater"). His liver is bad, and he has a hard time keeping up.
"I'm just an old sore, I guess you could call me, one that never healed,"
Donnie smiles sadly. He started riding in the early '60s, and has done
so ever since, sometimes staying put for a while, working, even owning
a business, losing everything to drugs and prison. Riding the rails is
the only thing he ever found that could keep him off heroin, he says, and
thereby out of trouble. "I called my grandma before she died. I said I
finally found my niche." Walking along the tracks through the town with
Crazy Angel, I note how quiet it is. "It's nice," he says. "There's no
people around. I hope they stay in their houses." He tells me he travels
to keep sane, that he doesn't like being around people too often and never
learned the skills necessary to rent an apartment, pay the bills and get
by in one place. He refers to the house-bound populace as "citizens," and
regards them not with hatred ("Hate's a bad thing") but with the mistrust
one reserves for unfamiliar beasts, as if they belong to a different species
entirely, one possessed of wood and drywall exoskeletons, which they shed
occasionally to crawl out and make trouble for tramps. With a sheepish
smile he tells me his name for the scent a tramp develops after a few weeks
on the road without bathing: "citizen repellent." Donnie and Crazy Angel
reminisce about the old days, before intense corporate security made tramping
so difficult, when you could ride from New York to California without a
hassle, when you could hop into any town in the country and find 15 of
your friends. Even a decade ago, Angel says, you could camp in the yards
without trouble from the bull. You could leave all your gear in the jungle
without fearing it would be stolen, says Donnie, and you didn't have to
worry about young punks wanting to fight you to give themselves a name.
They talk about old friends who've died, others locked away for good. Donnie
shakes his head. "It ain't nothin' like it used to be. Nothin' at all."
No trains come through that night, and we sleep in a clearing beneath the
tracks. Meathead has his own sleep sack, and a hooded sweat shirt for the
cold. I wake at dawn to the sound of a whistle blowing. Crazy Angel is
up and out of his bag, and by the time he says, "Wake up, Donnie -- southbound's
coming!" everyone else is awake too. We pack hastily, and climb the embankment
to the tracks. Angel spots an open boxcar, and we all hoist ourselves up
and in. "Jump, dog," orders Angel, and Meathead jumps in too. The train
sits. After an hour the sun rises over the hills, the light angling softly
into the car. Donnie rolls a cigarette, and the smoke rises in the sunlight
in little curling dragons. Another hour passes. Jodie reads a book. Steve
stands on the track and juggles stones. Angel sews a leather pouch. Donnie
tags the wall of the car with a Sharpie. He writes his name, and then "To
Love/Is to Sacrifice/To be Loved/Is to Cherish!" After another hour a southbound
hotshot speeds past. The air brakes on our train hiss, then click and squeak.
The boxcar shivers. Its walls moan, and the green world glides slowly by
outside the door. \i Note to the curious: Like driving automobiles, falling
in love, and speaking your mind in public, train-hopping is dangerous.
Really. \i0 \i To view more of West Coast Virginia Slim's train-hopping
images, \ul\b visit her site virginialeehunter.com ---------:::::::::::::::::::::----------
From: Doug Henwood (\ul dhenwood@panix.com --- Tom Wheeler wrote:
>I'd suggest reading the following for a better understanding of >primitivism.
- Tom The Primitivist Critique of Civilization Richard Heinberg -----------------
At the end, Heinberg seems frightened by the implications of his own argument,
and starts talking about a new form of civilization. Why not do that in
the first place, instead of indulging so foolishly in his primitivist fantasy?
I've long thought that anarchism is the infantile "NO!" inflated into a
political philosophy. That's not an entirely bad thing; I'm pretty fond
of the "NO!" impulse myself, and there's a lot that I find appealing in
anarchism. Heinberg sort of confirms this analysis, though, when he seems
to argue that the whole psychosocial problem is having to grow up: -----------------
>People are shaped from birth by their cultural surroundings and by their
interactions with the people closest to them. Civilization manipulates
these primary relationships in such a way as to domesticate the infant--that
is, so as to accustom it to life in a social structure one step removed
from nature. The actual process of domestication is describable as follows,
using terms borrowed from the object-relations school of psychology. The
infant lives entirely in the present moment in a state of pure trust and
guilelessness, deeply bonded with her mother. But as she grows, she discovers
that her mother is a separate entity with her own priorities and limits.
The infant's experience of relationship changes from one of spontaneous
trust to one that is suffused with need and longing. This creates a gap
between Self and Other in the consciousness of the child, who tries to
fill this deepening rift with transitional objects--initially, perhaps
a teddy bear; later, addictions and beliefs that serve to fill the psychic
gap and thus provide a sense of security. It is the powerful human need
for transitional objects that drives individuals in their search for property
and power, and that generates bureaucracies and technologies as people
pool their efforts. This process does not occur in the same way in the
case of primitive childbearing, where the infant is treated with indulgence,
is in constant physical contact with a caregiver throughout infancy, and
later undergoes rites of passage. In primal cultures the need for transitional
objects appears to be minimized. Anthropological and psychological research
converge to suggest that many of civilized people's emotional ills come
from our culture's abandonment of natural childrearing methods and initiatory
rites and its systematic substitution of alienating pedagogical practices
from crib through university. ----------------- As the Spartacist League
might put it were the SL so inclined: "Against separation/individuation!
For the lifelong pursuit of primary narcissism!" Doug -----------------
Anarchists have long been reluctant to articulate grand visions of what
a "anarchist society would look like." Most of the time, we talk about
small stuff, such as worker control of industry, or community-based decision-making.
Part of this reluctance to describe a big blueprint is our nervousness
about what happened when the communists implemented their big vision in
the Soviet Union and China. We all know what happened to millions and billions
of people when these grand visions were imposed from above. This is why
anarchists argue that the details of any future anarchistic society would
need to be hammered out by the people living in that society. There would
be lots of differences in that world, many of which would be based on culture
and geography. The Soviet Union tried too impose Western style, wheat belt,
agriculture on the peasants of Russia, when the anarchist alternative would
be to acknowledge that the peasants are much better at deciding these things
than the Politburo back in Moscow. << Chuck0 >> -----------------
From: Gar Lipow Yes, anarchists have created their own institutions,
but for the most part, these institutions have been failures. What Brian
is conveniently ignoring is all the self-management and organic associations
that anarchists form all the time for a variety of purposes. These
projects may last for one action, or they may last for a few years.
Most of the organizing that anarchists do does NOT have the goal
of creating permanent institutions. There are good reasons
why anarchists avoid institution-building. There are plenty of writings
on this subject. > I'm talking about organic groups that have a lifespan.
You are advocating a form of leftism that believes that permanent institutions
are the way to achieve rdical social change. When post-leftists argue that
anarchism is still plagued by leftist thinking, we are talking about the
quasi-Leninism that you are advocating. --snip------------------- Oh come
on. Permanent institutions are "Leninist"? I suppose that since Leninist
organizations are mostly neutral or anti in regard to vegetariansim, non-vegetarians
are "Leninist" as well? How about anarchist who don't think highly of consensus
as a decision making process? Are they Leninist as well. Please don't label
every position you disagree with as "Leninist", especially positions held
by a large number of anarchists. d\sb100\sa100 -----------------Way down
this long thread with short bursts I find a post that prompts me to revise
my scepticisms (induced by those of Kelley) towards the poster (Carrol)
who seems to consistently come out with some poetry now and then: \b0 Gordon
Fitch wrote: There is no "founder of anarchism", such that utterances of
the said person are taken as an authority upon which "the whole anarchist
structure is grounded", whether on a metaphysical claim or on anything
else. ----------------- Yup, I was rather extravagant. But I did say "one
of the" not "the." And I continue to see in most anarchism (including often
yours) that expectation of the petty producer that of course there would
be a use/utility for her act (product, service, skill) if only some malign
force blocking that realization were destroyed. The fear of _all_ "institutions"
expressed by a fringe of (self-declared) anarchists is an extreme manifestation
of this. And in that extreme form it seems merely a mystified affirmation
of Smith's "Invisible Hand." In that case Milton was perhaps the first
anarchist: ----------------- \f6 So spake th' Omnipotent, and with his
words All seemd well pleas'd, all seem'd, but were not all. That day, as
other solemn dayes, they spent In song and dance about the sacred Hill,
Mystical dance, which yonder starrie Spheare Of Planets and of fixt in
all her Wheeles Resembles nearest, mazes intricate, Eccentric, intervolv'd,
yet regular Then most, when most irregular they seem, And in thir motions
harmonie Divine So smooths her charming tones, that Gods own ear Listens
delighted. (PL, V, 616-27) \f3 ----------------- This is anarchic heaven
(literally!) Each angel dances a pattern internally consulted, but the
result is a harmony as though they were following a divine conductor. They
have divinity within, and when freed from all external restraint, freely |
obey that invisible order.
Milton recognized a glitch, however. This dance immediately follows the
Father's announcement of the sovereignty of the Son, which triggers Satan's
rebellion ("All SEEMD well pleas'd"). It was necessary in the end to call
out the cops (the Son who drove the rascals into hell by his very appearance).
Proudhon lives! Carrol ------------------ -------Milton would seem to be
violating fundamental Christian theology if the sovereignty of the Son
has to be _announced_ to the angels. The Son pre-exists all that is created,
including the angels, according to John 1:3. One would think the angels
would have been already informed of this rather fundamental fact. Maybe
some of them were supposed to be a bit slow? Not Satan, though! So there's
something of a problem there. Anyway, what you have above is not the anarchic
heaven but the world-as-one-machine, Milton in bed with Newton and Locke,
as opposed to the world-as-one-organism favored by classical conservatives.
It is the watch that demands a divine if invisible-handed watchmaker because
it's got to _work_. I doubt if this vision should be identified with anarchism
although certainly liberals look over their shoulders at anarchism and
Milton was (sometimes) of the Devil's party without knowing it. The liberal
vision centers on the efficiency of the social machine; therefore, while
liberty is good in its place (so that the wheels can turn) it must be liberty
under Law. When necessary to the well-being of the Great Machine, that
Law may order war, slavery and imperialism -- that is, call out the cops
-- so that the Machine can go forward. This is the very coercion whose
specifics I have been asking about and which we see all around us. The
anarchist, interested (I would think) in Minute Particulars rather than
the greatness of the Great Machine, might suggest that if we need to shoot
people to get airplanes, maybe we don't really want airplanes. After all,
there are things more important (to this anarchist) than the Great Machine's
maximal performance. (Of course, there's also the possibility that we don't
have to shoot people to get airplanes, but nobody's interested in it.)
Naturally, as if imbued with a profound religious belief, liberals and
those who accept the liberal world-view (see above) will find any suggestion
that shooting seriously taints the desirability of airplanes risible or,
if taken seriously, as heretical, blasphemous, contrary to the most fundamental
accepted values. Often, dark allusions to Mao, Pol Pot, Stalin, and rural
idiocy will follow. "I want my _airplane_!!!!"Gordon ----- --------- Michael
Pollak: Actually, as far as I can tell, Gordon emphatically doesn't accept
that premise and wants to have someone prove it him, i.e., that airplanes
can't get built without coercion (and are therefore impossible to build
in a non-coercise society). But he's been expressing himself so conditionally
-- accepting his opponents' premises arguendo at great length and then
tacking on his fundamental view as a coda -- that everyone he's arguing
with thinks he does accept it. ----------------- My opponents' arguments
are much juicier than mine. I say things like that I don't see any inherent
upper limit to the complexity of self-organized systems. Ho-hum. My "opponents"
have us anarchists frog-marching the populations of great cities into the
desert, smashing the looms, and selling out to globcap all at once; meanwhile
they're beating people to death in the basement of Boeing to keep the planes
coming while muttering catch-phrases from Marx and Adorno. It's like _Natural_Born_Killers_
where you start hearing Nusrat yipping in the background -- how can I compete
with it? Better to wait until the driver falls asleep and let the air out
of the tires. Whoops! One over limit. Well, that's an anarcissist for you.
-- Gordon -----------------JCWisc@aol.com \ulnone wrote: >Are we
done with the lack of airplanes already? God, I hope so. Airplanes? Forget
airplanes. How about steel plowshares, reapers, drill presses, lathes,
transistor radios, >sewing machines, tractors, vaccines, clocks? --------------------
It seems some individuals enjoy "re-living the 13th century" -- _if_ the
experience is offered in a "non-profit" theme park. ***** Reliving the
1200's With Sweat, Muscle and No-Tech Tools By CHRISTOPHER HALL REIGNY,
France IN a forest clearing near this remote village in Burgundy, three
dozen men and women - myself included - are hard at work on an overcast
July morning in the year 1231. Dressed in medieval garb of drab pants and
short, belted tunics, some of us twist hemp fibers into rope, haul wooden
buckets filled with mortar or hand-saw oak trunks into planks. Others forge
tools using metal smelted from iron-bearing sandstone, groom a pair of
huge draft horses or quarry large chunks of rock and shape them into rectangular
blocks with nothing more than hammer, chisel and muscle. The forest echoes
with the bleating of sheep and the ping of stoneworkers' tools, and the
smell is a mixture of fresh earth, dung and burning wood. Except for a
few modern intrusions like safety glasses or the occasional cigarette dangling
from a worker's lips - this is actually France in 2002, after all - it
is an ancient scene lifted from the pages of an illuminated manuscript.
\f6 But this is no book, as my blisters and aching muscles can attest,
and our all-too-real labor is directed to one purpose: building a castle.
Not a stucco knockoff \'e0 la Disney that's thrown together in a month
or two, but a massive, hewn-stone fortress, like the ones built in the
1200's. The castle, called Gu\'e9delon, will take 25 years to complete
using the latest in 13th-century technology. When finished, it will cover
more than 27,000 square feet - a modest figure, b\f3 y medieval standards
- and reach a height of 95 feet. \f6 Now in its sixth year, with exterior
walls and one tower well under way, Gu\'e9delon has become a living laboratory
in which academic hypotheses about medieval building techniques can be
tested. And with 145,000 paying visitors last year, the project, a nonprofit
one, is also proving to be an economic boon to Burgundy's undeveloped Puisaye
district, which lacks the famous and lucrative vineyards found elsewhere
in the region, about 90 miles southeas\f6 t of Paris. Indeed, Gu\'e9delon
generated about $9 million in revenue last year and employs 51 construction,
office and service workers. \f3 \f6 But for many workers, Gu\'e9delon is
above all a grand adventure. \f3 "At first people said we were crazy to
spend so much time building a 13th-century castle," said Michel Guyot,
the project's principal creator, a preservationist who has bought and restored
his own castle nearby. "But this is something no one in the 21st century
has ever seen or done. That's why we've been able to attract dedicated
workers, not to mention the volunteers and visitors who return again and
again." The project began in 1997 with plans drawn by Jacques Moulin, the
architect in charge of French historic monuments, "and this patch of forest
and quarry provide almost all of the needed materials," Mr. Guyot says.
\f6 The project's workers are diverse. Some apply skills they've learned
as tradesmen. "I came here originally as a volunteer," says Cl\'e9ment
Gu\'e9rard, 30, a stonecutter. "After one day, I knew I wanted to stay."
A carpenter, Jean-No\'ebl Morisset, 41, moved from Vichy with his wife
and two sons to take a job at Gu\'e9delon and is now assistant chief of
the work site. \f3 Other workers made a total break with past careers.
Thierry Darques, 49, G\f6 u\'e9delon's blacksmith, is a former journalist.
("We all make mistakes," he deadpans.) Yvon Herouart, a 39-year-old ropemaker,
used to operate heavy equipment, and Diana Hajdu, 30, abandoned seven years
of law study to make floor tiles for the castle. \f3 "My parents were horrified,"
she says as she slaps another mud-and-straw layer onto a short wall she
is building for her workshop. "But now they can see that this is my passion."
\f6 I also understand the attraction of Gu\'e9delon. From the moment I
came across its Web site (www.guedelon.org), Gu\'e9delon tapped into my
childhood dream of building a castle and fed my adult fantasy of escaping,
even for a few days, the I-need-it-yesterday pace of the 21st century.
The idea of stepping back into the 1200's, as one\f3 of the dozen or so
volunteers who labor alongside the employees was irresistible. In my volunteer
application I declared in passable French that I was manually dexterous,
healthy and 48 years old. Two hours after my arrival, I find myself with
a hunk\f6 of stone before me, a hammer and chisel in my hands, and a few
general instructions from a stonecutter, Jean-Fran\'e7ois Dejean, 35, on
how to make a 60-pound block with a sloped face for the castle rampart.
An experienced stonecutter could finish the ta\f3 sk in an afternoon, but
it takes me nearly two days of steady chipping. For Mr. Dejean, however,
who once earned his living by polishing granite and marble for kitchens
and bathrooms, speed is not important. "We're taking 25 years to build
this castle," he reminds me, "and with luck it will be around for the next
1,000." The work is hard. By the end of each day, I am covered in grit
and sweat and my back is tired. Yet there is plenty of time during the
day to do the job right and still look at passing clouds or trade wisecracks
with workers. Part of our day is spent fielding questions from the camera-toting
tourists who crowd the site trying to catch a glimpse of the Middle Ages
in action. The visitors are mostly French. Their questions range from the
mundane ("Aren't you hot?") to the technical. One elderly French gentleman,
detecting a foreign accent in my response, asks if I am English. "Thank
goodness," he says when I tell him I'm American. "Can't have an Englishman
working on a French castle, can we?" \f6 What none of the visitors asks,
however, is how long Gu\'e9delon will last. It is a question that increasingly
comes to mind as I carve a block from raw stone, chisel my lapidary mark
onto it, just like a stonecutter from 800 years ago, and \f3 then help
the mason set the block into the wall. \f6 Will my stone, will this castle,
endure? Impossible to say with any certainty, of course, but I take my
cue from Jean-Fran\'e7ois Dejean and wager that they'll both be around
1,000 years from now. It's not \f3 every day you can say that. Christopher
Hall, a San Francisco-based journalist, has written for Architectural Digest
and Preservation. ***** ------------------------- way further down this
extremely long thread: And ironically, Chuck0's "we must disperse people"
plan - held up by himself as a programmtic part of anarchism whether other
anarchists like it or not - is exactly one of the ten points advocated
at the end of The Communist Manifesto. (See Point 9 at the end of the Manifesto,
about redistributing population equitably between town and country). And
this from someone who has supposedly "moved beyond" left and right, and
endorses "Post Leftism." It's as inane as the assertion that libertarian
socialists need to reassess themselves after the fall of the USSR in the
late 80s. The libertarian left had criticized the USSR for its failings
since 1917. Brian Oliver Sheppard ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: hey
maxhunkhoney, do I get to wait four whole years for the scotch, too? :)
discuss amongst yourselves. By participating in a violent anti-war demonstration,
he was in no sense aiming at coercing conformity with his view - for that
would still have been a political objective. Instead, he took his part
in order to confirm h\f3 is ideological fantasy of marching on the right
side of history, of feeling himself among the elect few who stood with
the angels of historical inevitability. Thus, when he lay down in front
of hapless commuters on the bridges over the Potomac, he had no interest
in changing the minds of these commuters, no concern over whether they
became angry at the protesters or not. They were there merely as props,
as so many supernumeraries in his private psychodrama. The protest for
him was not politics, but theater; and the significance of his role lay
not in the political ends his actions might achieve, but rather in their
symbolic value as ritual. In short, he was acting out a fantasy. \f6 From:
"Al Qaeda\rquote s Fantasy Ideology By Lee Harris" ::::::------::::
Standard right-wing fare. The conservative establishment continues its
30 year plus jihad against the left by trying to link the left with A-Q.
They, of course, define "the left" very broadly. "Liberals," "social democrats,"
"communists," "anarchists," they're all alike. To summarize: "Leftists
hold their views for irrelevant psychological reasons. So did the 9/11
hijackers." "Just look at guys like that Chomsky, trying to make excuses
for the hijackers. Yeah, they always blame America first." "Leftist-millenarian-utopian-fantasists
= Muslim-millenarian-utopian-fantasists." "There's no reasoning with these
people, so all there is to do is just stamp them out." "It's not a political
philosophy, but a disease." (paraphrasing, of course) Anybody here have
any sympathy with a bunch of right-wing religious fanatics who flew planes
into skyscrapers (speaking of airplanes)? RWRFs who might have been playing
footsie with the CIA, but were all along pursuing their own agenda? RWRFs
who were at the very least abetted and encouraged by the US gov't trying
to stick a thumb in the eye of the fSU in Afghanistan? A-Q is like a Frankenstein's
monster that turned on its master. Except it wasn't the master who paid
the price, but some of the master's subjects, who ended up jumping out
of windows from 90 floors up to get away from the fire. Blowback, man.
Right-wing bastards like this Lee Harris who wrote the Policy Review piece
are simply repellent. Jacob Conrad :::xxxxxxxxxxx:::: Not sure why this
is seen as Lacanian, it could be written by anyone who wants to emphasize
the narcissistic aspect of someone's political involvement, or perhaps
to characterize that person as a narcissist who cannot engage others except
as objects. For that matter, it's not really that far off from writers
like Harold Lasswell; in "World Politics and Personal Insecurity" (1938?)
he offered a nifty little formula (something like P --> W) that boils politics
down to psychodrama. It's quite likely the author is doing to his hapless
subject what he depicts his subject doing to the hapless commuters. Randy
By participating in a violent anti-war demonstration, he was in no sense
aiming at coercing conformity with his view - for that would still have
been a political objective. Instead, he took his part in order to confirm
his ideological fantasy of marching on the right side of history, of feeling
himself among the elect few who stood with the angels of historical inevitability.
Thus, when he lay down in front of hapless commuters on the bridges over
the Potomac, he had no interest in changing the minds of these commuters,
no concern over whether they became angry at the protesters or not. They
were there merely as props, as so many supernumeraries in his private psychodrama.
The protest for him was not politics, but theater; and the significance
of his role lay not in the political ends his actions might achieve, but
rather in their symbolic value as ritual. In short, he was acting out a
fantasy. From: "Al Qaeda's Fantasy Ideology By Lee Harris" ::::xxxxxxx::::But
most Freudians are very leery of Lacan. I regularly read the major journals,
including the International Journal of Psychoanalysis, and his influence
on current analytic thinking is muted at most. The reasons for this are
many. Personally, while I was initially intrigued by his drawing on Hegel
and such, when I read of his unpredictable behavior in sessions, e.g. stopping
them abruptly, I wrote him off as a puffed-up jerk. Among current analysts,
I think Andre Green draws on his work in the most interesting and useful
way, as in The Work of the Negative. Warming to the subject -- har! --
here's this from Green: "But the Rome address on "The function and field
of speech and language in Psychoanalysis" still bears its trace with the
memorable analysis which Lacan made of the Fort-Da [Freud's account of
a child tossing a spool over the edge of a bed and pulling it back up,
working over the comings and goings of his mother, according to Freud].
It is indeed in these few paragraphs that the Hegelian inspiration of Lacan's
thought finds it fullest expression, giving an account of the combined
effects of childhood, the status of absence, the emergence of self-consciousness,
alienation from one's own productions (sound, signifier and sign), the
conflict between various aspects of the psyche in their relation to language
and the subject's relationship to death. But this happy episode was not
to last, for Lacan's thought was to respond to the siren calls of the signifier,
and then to that of topography where references to languages and history
were gradually supplanted by other, more 'scientific' ones." In short,
as Lacan blew off a developmental account of the subject, his notion of
transference became reduced to theoretical coordinates, and this set up
the short sessions in which he slid into playing the cranky Papa ordering
the infantalized analysand out of the room. ::::::xxxxx:::::: Whatever.
Not that it matters all that much, but all that pre-oedipal-jouissance-to-be-squashed-
by-the-intervention-of-the-symbolic stuff, the whole business about the
cry and "entry" into language, the mirror _stage_ as orthopaedic supplement
to the presignifying body, etc. is all rigidly developmental. It is only
preserved at a higher level in the short sessions and high handed authoritarianism
of his cranky seniority. Christian ::::::xxxxxx:::: On Tue, Aug 20, 2002
at 04:57:11PM -0400, Kelley wrote: I'm desperately searching my hard drive
and the Web looking for the name of an ATTACK TOOL that exploits the Extensible
Authentication Protocol in order to perform a DoS attack. I swear to St.
Karl that I read about this last month or maybe June, but I can find nothing.
nada. zip. zilch! Anyone have any klew? I know, weird place to look, but
there are enough geeks around this joint and I'm desparate because I need
it to finish up an article I'm writing! BAH! Deadlines. --------------------
IIRC EAP doesn't authenticate the logoff communication's frame. You may
know that already, if not, perhaps that might help the search. Mike Shiffman
from @Stake has a tool called Omerta that spoofs disconnects of an 802.11b
client to the AP, which causes a DoS if the attacker has enough db in his
antenna. Maybe not relevant but with the current 802.1X + EAP hype and
his recent demo of the tool at Blackhat maybe it is that of which you are
thinking? HTH, Matt (beyondzero.net)a looooong article by Kagan about the
US (mars) and EU (venus) :::::::::::::::::: Robert Kagan: > It would be
better still if Europeans could move beyond > fear and anger at the rogue
colossus and remember, again, > the vital necessity of having a strong
America - for the > world and especially for Europe. \lang9 --------------------\lang1033
If that's not enough to tell you where Kagan's coming from, notice that
this observation immediately follows his unbelievable recommendation that
the "atavistic impulses that still swirl in the hearts of Germans, Britons,
and Frenchmen" be "played upon" in order to encourage those nations to
re-arm. Kagan is, of course, a professional publicist for the USA's extreme,
"let's invade Iraq and overthrow the Saudis" right wing. Check out the
biography and "recent publications" list on his official home page [1].
Better yet, actually read some of those recent publications, like "Going
Wobbly?" and "Still Time for an Investigation" and "Cheney Trips Up" and
"The Coalition Trap" and "A Green Light for Israel" and the pre-911 "A
National Humiliation." It's all hard-core warmongering, and much of it
openly accuses even President Bush of weak-kneed cowardice. But that's
not my point. The point is that the Europe-USA tension that Kagan "observes"
doesn't really exist. He's making it up. The central premise, as in all
of the propaganda from his school (Carl Schmitt, Samuel P. Huntington,
Leo Strauss, etc.), is that liberal values must be paid for in blood. And
as the solution to this invented ideological "conundrum," Kagan proposes
that Europeans enjoy the liberalism and that Americans enjoy the bloodshed.
He argues that both sides should embrace this "double standard" as an "acceptable
division." The problem with his idea, of course, is that neither Americans
nor Europeans are buying it. Europeans will never recognize a US prerogative
to blow up whatever and whomever they please. Americans, on the other hand,
aren't about to give up their hard-won civil liberties, money and even
lives in the name of what Kagan calls (in classic Leo Strauss fashion)
"moral consciousness." We know a con job when we see one. Kagan knows that
the inherent liberalism of American culture, not to mention their old-fashioned
street smarts and sense of self-interest, is the Achilles' heel of his
argument. Unfortunately for Kagan, he can address this objection with no
better than this wishful hand-waving:\lang9 --------------------\lang1033
> Americans apparently feel no resentment at not being able to > enter
a "postmodern" utopia. There is no evidence most Americans > desire to.
Partly because they are so powerful, they take pride > in their nation's
military power townspeople, whether the > townspeople want them to or not.
and their nation's special role > in the world.\lang9 --------------------\lang1033
and this: > In other words, just as Europeans claim, Americans can still
> sometimes see themselves in heroic terms - as Gary Cooper at > high noon.
They will defend the Perhaps Kagan can't tell the difference between Hollywood
America and the real one, but most Americans can. And the reality is that
Americans want into what Kagan calls "a post-historical paradise of peace
and relative prosperity" just as much as Europeans do. That's what unites,
rather than divides, the USA and Europe. Americans, no more than Europeans,
won't be satisfied with being "stuck in history", as Kagan puts it. Peace,
prosperity and the rule of law are for everyone, not just Europe, and Kagan's
best efforts won't convince Americans otherwise. And I'm just as sure that
he won't convince Europeans, either. Certainly not those Europeans on nettime,
right? Kermit Snelson Notes: [1] :::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: It
would be better still if Europeans could move beyond fear and anger
at the rogue colossus and remember, again, the vital necessity of
having a strong America - for the world and especially for Europe.
\lang9 -------------------- This and other passages from Kagan's article,
as well as his official Web page [1], make it clear that Kagan is affiliated
with the "hawk" faction in the US foreign policy establishment. The "conundrum"
he observes in US-EU relations is therefore less an observation than it
is his own policy recommendation. Unilateral action by the US can indeed
be justified only through a "double standard", Kagan argues, but this double
standard nevertheless constitutes an "acceptable division." The purpose
of Kagan's article is to persuade both Europeans and Americans that such
an inequality of roles is both desirable and necessary, and justified by
cultural and historical differences. In fact, the "hawk" policies advocated
by Kagan and his colleagues are just as controversial within Bush's own
Republican Party as they are within the EU. Today's lead story in the print
edition of the _New York Times_, for instance, reports that the idea of
unilateral war on Iraq has come under public attack from no less than Brent
Snowcroft and Henry Kissinger [2]. Snowcroft, amazingly enough, was the
first President Bush's national security adviser and is still part of the
President's father's inner circle. And only a few days ago, the current
Bush administration distanced itself from those in Kagan's ideological
circles who had lobbied the Pentagon to include Saudi Arabia in the "Axis
of Evil." Defense Secretary Rumsfeld and Secretary of State Powell both
made strong public statements to the effect that the White House still
views Saudi Arabia as an ally. I believe it's important for nettimers to
recognize the context of Kagan's argument, and therefore not to take it
at face value. Recent tensions in US-EU relations do not stem from objective
differences in the geopolitical and cultural realities between the two
regions, as Kagan argues, but rather between ideological differences between
Kagan's own foreign policy faction and others currently in power. Kermit
Snelson :::::::::::::::::::::::::: Not to belabor a point, but today's
newspapers have brought fresh evidence of the rather amazing timeliness
of this nettime thread. In the last paragraph of the following article
from this morning's _Washington Post_, Robert Kagan is described as a "hard-liner"
who is "disturbed" by Bush's failure to sell Europe on the doctrine of
unilateral US military interventionism. Given what the rest of the article
says, however, Kagan should probably worry more at this point about selling
it to Republican leaders in the US Congress... As to Geert's question to
nettime concerning a possibly widening gulf between Americans and Europeans,
I think the following paragraph from the article below is especially relevant:
"Though the administration faces two distinct audiences -- European allies
and the American public -- they are closely linked. As the Post poll indicated,
Americans, still afflicted by Vietnam War insecurities, grow increasingly
skittish about American military operations if they are not supported by
allies. 'I haven't seen any polls showing a readiness to engage in large-scale
action without multilateral support,' said Steven Kull, a public opinion
specialist with the University of Maryland." Kermit ====== White House
Push for Iraqi Strike Is on Hold Waiting to Make Case for Action Allows
Invasion Opponents to Dominate Debate By Dana Milbank Washington Post Staff
Writer----------------------------Vital Dissent or Angry Rhetoric?
Fiddler Well...you are correct and I think it's very important that you
keep on posting. I have been writing on these boards since soon after 9/11
and frankly, I've about had enough of this crap...the volume of idiots
with verbal baseball bats seems to swamp these boards. It is sooo seldom
that someone who thinks clearly and fairly ever sticks around (on this
most vital subject) and to have both you and Jimmy at the same time seems
something of a miracle to me. Greanie and me have had to fight for so many
months just to ensure that common sense gets even a tiny hearing! (PS I
need a translation of that phrase) And so...I cannot go without saying
this..I am rather annoyed that the obvious attack (which I repeated above)
was somehow missed by the moderator. Maybe it happened in private...even
so...there's something wrong when one person is treated one way publicly
and another seems to get away with it. The easy tactic of those who cannot
find ANY argument that carries water is 'find a weak-spot..or invent one..in
the other party and then stick a knife in'. I wish to god there was a way
to elevate the discussion and by-pass these morons. I've had quite a bit
of it myself...those who ask about my ethnicity in order to find a reason
to discredit my argument. Then there's the 'fence-sitting' camp who believe
that they become more 'fair' when they find something wrong with the Palestinians
to weight the scales which are so clearly weighed down in the other direction.
It doesn't take a genius to see the big picture, yet the vast majority
of posters here are determined to see it the other way. I am very angry
about how the simple truth of the violation of justice is being ignored
by so many of our peers. When things are THIS bad, justice becomes the
only thing that matters. A military court in Israel declares that it's
OK to deport the relatives of a SUSPECTED bomber/organizer to the Gaza-ghetto.
They kill the individual concerned and that seems to 'prove' his guilt
(after-sentence-minus trial). The high court says 'no' but allows the military
to demolish the homes of the grieving women anyway. On mere suspicion!
My god...it cries to heaven. Of course you are right...and all hope lies
in those refuseniks. The Israeli government features large in my nightmares.
It is humanity at its depraved worst. But WE, the US taxpayers, have enabled
this monster to emerge. And we, in such huge numbers are so very guilty
for the refusal to see that it is OUR responsibility. We are nothing better
than those who hire assasins...worse even...because we have NO quarrel
with the Palestinians and we won't even question the horrors that Sharon's
government is perpetrating. The US has its head stuck in the sand. It's
ironic that the only moral high-ground is buried in the belly of the beast.
It's happened before that it rises to the surface and overthrows the monster
of violence (like with Shin Fein) and even though the Israeli government
seems to hold all the cards..nothing lasts forever.------hange of perspective,
Herr Lieberman. Herr Lieberman, as of tommorrow I shall be pitching my
tent in your backyard. You,like a certain people back in '48 will be obliging
and hospitable. The next day we shall moveinto your garage. This you will
understand as our numbers will have grown overnight. By next week we will
have commandeered your marital bedroom& you,along withyour family canmove
into the garage. We will allowyou to use the bathroom and cooker. In a
fortnight you will be forcably removed into my old tent, anyhow, why should
we give you such comfort?! You can have that little muddy plot by the dog
kennel and we'llerect a fence to keep you out/in.You'll tell the neighbours?
HA!go ahead.They fill my pantry and supply me with guns. d \ul Jimmy
lever, give up your illogic games. I won't play them. The refuseniks are
the most cowardly of the cowardly and the most self-hating of the self-haters.
Like Fiddling Around, they are Jews who seek to distance themselves from
their people and religion by refusing to fight for the very survival of
their people in the face of the most barbarous activity, namely, Palestinian
terrorism. d No, they refuse to participate in war crimes, including the
illegal occupation. But of course, a Zionist is unable to see that, since
he does not recognize that non-Jews have humanity or rights, and therefore
refers to a Jew who recognizes the rights of non-Jews as "self-hating."---------
Bloody Hands Published on Thursday, August 15, 2002 by the BBC 'Human Shield'
Death Sparks Debate by Barbara Plett The death of a Palestinian teenager
in an Israeli army operation has revived the debate over human shields.
The young man was shot on Wednesday in the West Bank town of Tubas. He
was forced to go to the door of a house where a Hamas militant was believed
to be hiding. The use of Palestinian human shields became an issue during
Israel's sweeping military operations in April, when human rights organisations
petitioned the supreme court to order a stop to the practice. Hail of bullets
Palestinian witnesses said 19-year-old Nidal Abumuhsein was forced at gunpoint
to try and get the senior Hamas militant to surrender. They said the Israeli
army gave him a protective flack jacket and a sniffer dog. When he knocked
on the door he was killed by a burst of bullets, although Tubas residents
claim they came from the soldiers, not the house. The army said it was
trying to prevent deaths by having the teenager warn any civilians who
may have been inside. Heated debates But the Israeli human rights group,
B'tselem, strongly condemned the incident as another example of Palestinians
being used to shield Israeli forces from potential danger. Several months
ago, it petitioned the supreme court, along with other human rights activists
to rule against the practice. The group said the army was using civilians
to check booby trapped buildings, remove suspicious objects from roads,
and walk in front of soldiers to ward off gunfire. The government responded
by forbidding such practices. But it drew a distinction between human shields
and, what it calls "neighbourhood procedure", that is, using civilians
to help soldiers enter Palestinian homes, or approach besieged militants
to negotiate an end to a standoff. B'tselem is demanding that this should
also be prohibited. But the issue is a matter of debate in Israel. A number
of government ministers told Israeli media that the country was in a war
situation, and sometimes the lives of Palestinian civilians had to be endangered,
to prevent attacks in Israel, or to protect Israeli soldiers. \'a9 AFP
2002 ------------Parker Frazer- 09:17am Aug 15, 2002 PST (#\ul 433 \ulnone
of 442) Q&A Is answering certain individuals' questions necessarily
helpful to the discussion/situation. The philosopher Jean-Francois Lyotard
once talked about using the phrase of silence when encountering an interlocutor
who is interested only in silencing others by drowning them in faux litigation--i.e.,
be the agent of the silence instead of the prisoner of it. This same philosopher
demonstrated how the Nazis used this method as one of their means in their
attempt to totally erase the Jewish from the face of the earth: it wasn't
just bullets and incinerators. So much of it happened through uses of language.
What is so disconcerting is the fact that a zealous minority of Jewish
people and their right-wing (on any other day anti-Semitic) allies scaring
everyone into hating other Semitic peoples and making Jewish people look
like what they are as a whole most definitely not, bloodthirsty and vengeful
ideologues. Not to mention the thought-policing going on: is it ethical
to condemn people because of their religion (or lack thereof), of their
ability to consider less cannibalistic methods of justice, and of their
ability to hold two or more thoughts at a time? Challenging someone--and
listening to that person--is valid; however, once the rhetorical terrain
materializes, it's time to demonstrate some intelligence and move where
the discussion takes you instead of falling back on elusive creationary
tales. Doing this instead of reading favorite passages from whatever scripture
or fairy tale might dispel some of the myths plaguing all of us dealing
with this issue. We're not going to connect with each other as long as
we want to destroy--silence--each other (or is destruction and silence
the point?). And for those people who like to ask questions--not for answers
but for deferrals of thinking and responsibility--stopping and listening
to someone else for a change might actually provide some answers: the answers
might not be what one wants to hear, but they might be windows to other,
more hopeful possibilites, connections, etc. Shalom and Salam Alakem -------
\ul Jimmy Havok - 11:07am Aug 15, 2002 PST (#\ul 434 \ulnone of 442) mean
100 the refuseniks are assisting in war crimes by NOT helping to combat
Palestinian terror. d What a wonderful twisting of logic: by refusing to
participate in war crimes, the refuseniks are assisting in war crimes.
Next we will see the "fuck for virginity" campaign. Why are you ignoring
my question about Benny Morris? d Because it doesn't deserve an answer
beyond this one: 100 give up your illogic games. I won't play them. d --------
\ul lever01 \ulnone - 09:25am Aug 16, 2002 PST (#\ul 435 \ulnone of 442)
Don`t run away Where`s the "illogic" Jimmy? According to your reasoning,
indeed according to Morris' own reasoning, he should not be alive now,
at least not in Israel. This is because, according to you and him, Zionists
wrongly disposessed the native Palestinians of their land. If that should
not have happened, then what would be right would be for Israel never to
have been created at all, and therefore for Mr. Morris himself not to be
an Israeli historian and professor now. See what I`m saying? d\s1\li720\sb100\sa100\kerning36
d\kerning0\ul Laura Shapiro\ulnone - 05:21pm Jun 17, 2002 PST Is intelligent
criticism of Israel and its policies at risk of being lost in \ul a rising
tide of angry, anti-Semitic rhetoric \ulnone ? 435 previous messages) \ul
Terry McCann \ulnone - 10:33am Aug 16, 2002 PST (#\ul 436 \ulnone of 442)
Ancient nation of who? I was in school in the 1970s in a philosophy class.
The discussion went to the topic, "are there absolute?" The general consensus,
guided by the by the professor, was that there were none. In the same semester
I
was taking a biology class. In that class we learned that blood maintains
a salt content of roughly 1%. If that is changed, bad things can happen.
In the physics class we learned about New ton's 3 laws and how Einstein
had proposed a super set to these. In the blood example, that relationship
of salt content is fairly absolute (within experimentally determined ranges,
some slight individual variations also). New tons laws work well at low
fractional values of C; but control shifts to Einstein's realm at speeds
that are significant percentages of C. The above discussion is roughly
correct. The discussion indicates that if absolutes are not indeed absolutely
absolute, they approach absolutes as a graphed line approaches an asymptote
as a limit is aproached. The Arabs in Palestine present a similar problem.
If indeed they have lived there from time immemorial, the Israel's are
dealing with Palestinians. Are there other reasons? Among them, have many
Arabs moved there as a result of a seeking a better life (possibly because
the Jews built a modern infrastructure and provided good jobs and better
health care)? Then they are Arabs living in what was formerly British Palestine.
The Israelis could find a way to coexist with Arabs living in Palestine
who were seeking a better life. After all, haven't the Jews suffered from
lack of a home land? However, if because of this claim to an "ancient"
homeland, barbarity is justified because of the lack of this ancient homeland,
then where is the justice? So one test of a claim to an "ancient" homeland
is verifiable history. Earlier I use the first three American presidents
as a starting point. I name George Washington, John Adams, and Thomas Jefferson.
This indicates my country has some history and also a starting point. It
is a trivial exercise. It is the jumping off point for a good historical
investigation. It definitely ralates to the current discussion. One problem,
no one has answered. So we are stuck at the starting gate. Of course I
am joking. I know of no history of nation called Palestine. Both the Romans
and the British chose that name deliberately because there was no nation
called Palestine. No one could claim the land. If they had called it Upper
Egypt or Lower Syria, that would implicitly give someone a claim. Both
Rome and Britain were much too good at building empires to make such an
elemental mistake. Someone who is advocating suicide terrorism as such
a wonderful thing should be able to dash off page after page of independently
verifiable history. It is like saying, d\li720 "Tie the bomb on, my son,
and go blow up the enemy for our ancient homeland that was founded by ...
by ... by, oh hell, just go blow yourself up!" d So, in an effort to get
out of the starting blocks, or to shine a search light on true motivation
I ask: Who were the first three kings of Palestine? ---------- \ul Jimmy
Havok \ulnone - 12:11pm Aug 16, 2002 PST (#\ul 437 \ulnone of 442) mean
What's your point, lever? That Morris owes his position as a historian
to historical injustices, therefore he shouldn't write about them? Is that
why you refuse to recognize the crimes that created Israel? ------------
\ul Parker Frazer \ulnone - 12:16pm Aug 16, 2002 PST (#\ul 438 \ulnone
of 442) Faux Litigiousness "If that should not have happened, then what
would be right would be for Israel never to have been created at all, and
therefore for Mr. Morris himself not to be an Israeli historian and professor
now." The above sentence displays premises and conclusions that are actually
unrelated. The conclusion arrived at simplifies the situation of creating
a state and attempts to reduce the legitimacy of a cultural reality to
its ability to gain or be given a state (statehood bein a historically
new but increasingly archaic notion in itself); moreover, it avoids the
historical import of the present. The question should be now whether or
not states can be built according to standards that were actually waning
at the end of the 19th century. And more importantly, one should consider
what a dasterdly trick was played on the Diaspora and the Palestinians--really
on the whole Middle East--since this was becoming increasingly evident.
("Give me evidence of this!" "What trick?!" "Prove there is a Palestine!"
"Palestinians do not exist!" To the litigator, I would have to reply: Oh,
come on. Next, someone's going to tell me the Shoah didn't happen.) Moreover,
the last independent clause quoted above is an instance of proving the
negative. Some seem more capable than I in channeling the spirits of the
historical and mythic past and future, much at the expense of history and
hope. But guess what: Palestinians and Israelis do exist right here, right
now. Each individual is not just a player in a single history, but it a
collection of many histories (social, familial, political, cultural, religious,
etc.), which are sometimes not reconcilable. Are we supposed to treat people
as if they are drones or caricatures of some homogenous group(s)? If so,
then we will be insulting the very thing that makes humans humans--human
beings are constantly-becoming individual multiplicities, not static, arbitrary,
or totally quantifiable absolutes. Yes, they are plugged into national
and cultural histories, but their relation to those histories is rarely
if ever a simple one--for the reasons noted parenthetically above. As indicated
earlier, litigious maneuvering only threatens to silence everyone. But
that won't stop the litigators. With that being said, on to another instance
of faux litigation: "So one test of a claim to an 'ancient' homeland is
verifiable history. Earlier I use the first three American presidents as
a starting point. I name George Washington, John Adams, and Thomas Jefferson.
This indicates my country has some history and also a starting point. It
is a trivial exercise. It is the jumping off point for a good historical
investigation. It definitely ralates to the current discussion." Nations,
as we think of them today, are collectively a relatively new phenomenon.
Now, of course, if we are to follow 17th- and 18th-century imperial reasoning,
we will have to conclude that there really are only and handful of histories,
as dileneated to us by Western conquerors and hardly unbiased historians.
What disturbs the sort of simplistic picture of human affairs entailed
in the quote above is the fact that "history" has always been and will
always be contested. Why else all of the wars? History is not some narrative
approaching an ideal, it is a matrix always in flux. Western history is
merely a node, or an intersection, in a multivalent spider-web of history.
As to the primacy, verifiability, of the United States as a nation: yes,
there are various accounts that support it as it is generally taken, but
those accounts (or stories) are challenged, augmented, or undermined by
other accounts (or stories). (I.e., a child brought up in the U.S. would
have, until the 1960s, have thought that only landowning white males actually
built this nation, which of course is patently false. Indeed, everyone
else built this country. A single history, therefore, is often historically
inaccurate.) Moreover, the definition of th ?????????/ \ul Parker Frazer
\ulnone - 12:17pm Aug 16, 2002 PST (#\ul 439 \ulnone of 442) Faux Litigiousness
(cont'd) Moreover, the definition of the United States has never been static--except
for those who actually use its symbols in order to destroy its very "spirit."
And let's think about that "spirit." Since I am not a clairvoyant, I will
not speak for people such as Washington, Jefferson, Franklin, et al, but
if I follow the logic presented by revolutionaries (in the American Colonies
as well as in France and elsewhere) during the eighteenth century, there
seems to be an evident and cogent inquiry into the use of history by the
few against the many. It seems that many people wanted to create their
own new histories, transgressing the powers that attempted to enslave/destroy
them. And the litigators will say: "Off with his head! Silence him! He
does not exist because I do not recognize him or his kith and kin as human
beings!" Silence. \ul Parker Frazer \ulnone - 12:27pm Aug 17, 2002 PST
(#\ul 440 \ulnone of 442) Sharon=War Machine; U.S. Right=War Profiteer
\ul \ulnone Scary stuff, to be sure. PETER MUIR - 08:48pm Aug 18, 2002
PST (# 441 of 442) "Every ingredient of the Holocaust... was normal...
in the sense of being fully in keeping with everything we know about our
civilisation, its guiding spirits, its priorities, its immanent vision
of the world"===Zygmunt Bauman j.h.---- \i Reparations are being made to
the Indians, however incompletely. So far as I know, Mexico has surrendered
its claim to the land the US seized.\i0 Excuse me...when have the 1st Americans
been recompensed for the Euro theft of their land? \i We also have a different
set of standards today. Simply invading and stealing the territory of another
country is no longer acceptable, as it was just a hundred years ago, nor
is ethnic cleansing. Some countries just haven't gotten the message yet.\i0
Including Amerikkka---or haven't you heard what dubya Shrub intends to
do in Iraq? IMHO, we ain't come as far as we like to think. I'm staunchly
anti-Zionist, but I'm no fool. I think any Zionist Israeli has us in the
USA dead to rights when they point out that what Israel is doing in the
West Bank is no worse than what Amerikkka did in ITS formation---and, unlike
the Jews, we didn't have the excuse that 6,000,000 of our people were utterly
wiped out in camps set up for that purpose. I agree 1,000,000% with Bundoo
that in a sense, the so-called "free world" in a real sense bears a far
greater responsibility for the oppression of the Palestinians (and, for
that matter, the Jews) in the Mideast than even the most land-hungry Zionist
fanatic---and I don't merely mean in the sense that the U.S. supports the
Israeli Zionist goverment, but in a deeper, historical sense: that the
Gentile Christian West created the religious/ethnic divisions by creating
corrupt Islamic oil theocracies, then creating a Jewish "overseer" state
in '48. And, secondly, the fact that the Allies did not lift a godamn finger
to save the 6,000,00 in Auschwitz, Belsen, etc., which allowed the Zionists
then---and has empowered them to this very day---to portray themselves
as the thin red line between the Jewish people and their utter eradication.
Such was all in the program for the Western ruling asses for the mideast
and its Semitic peoples. Can you say "divide and conquer," boys and girls?
I knew you could.....They should take it out on the people who did it.
It wasn't supposed to be a how-to lesson. It is true, though, that the
whole mess of the Arab world is the fault of the way the British cut up
the Ottoman Empire...-------------the conversation they want to avoid (english)
3rdoptionsociety@yahoo.com: The climate change is real, there is no doubt.
The reasons for the change are what should be focused on. Much of it can
be attributed to naturally occuring changes, which have been ongoing since
this rock had an atmosphere. But natural changes occur very gradually ..
they don't produce such spikes and freak weather. That can only be attributed
to the pursuits of humankind resulting in man-made climate change. The
unchallenged growth of fossil fuel (ab)usage, the erosion of any sense
of environmental protection responsiblity in the US government, and corporate
interests which are so myopic they can't see where their own spit lands
.. all result in the destruction of the US water resource. Add to that,
the naturally occuring climate change, and no change in US gov't policy
in sight, and you are damn right much of the US is going to be a desert.
The last thing corporate interests/government (it's all the same shit now)
want is for water to become a matter of public concern and debate, because
it is the ultimate can-o-worms opener. It opens the energy industry up,
it challenges the privatization of water, it opens up trade agreements,
and on and on it goes. When farmers do not have any where to graze their
herds, and the only thing that comes out of a soccer mom's tap is toxic
milk, and all the bottled water is sold out down at the quickie-mart, there
will be absolutely NOTHING the American people will be able to do to turn
it around. But, as with all disasters created by Tina (there is no alternative),
rest assured that there will be a long line of corporations standing by
with solutions for the 'average American family' .. like windtraps, pills
that help you survive the adverse affects of severe long-term dehydration,
and desalination kits that even a child could use! Oh yes, what corporate
America taketh away, it will most definately provide what you need in your
attempt to survive the absence ... that is, if you are still in the game
.. if you can still keep up with the Jones'. ----------------------------
Rock of dissent By Israel Shamir A victim can develop mental attachment
to the tormentor. Patty Hearst, a millionaire's daughter, was kidnapped
and fell in love with her kidnappers. In the Night Porter, the dark movie
by Liliana Cavani, an ex-inmate of a Nazi camp and an ex-SS-man, her tormentor
of past, run a passionate love affair. Now something similar happens in
the Palestinian American community. The most reviled and wronged group
of American population is called to defend the most prosperous and powerful
one against their own supporters. On 24th of August '02, there will be
an event in Washington, Rock for Palestine, or Rock against Israel, as
it is also called. The event is organised by some right-wing Americans,
loosely connected to a small group called National Alliance (NA). Whatever
one thinks about NA, one would expect a satisfied shrug, at least, if not
outright support coming from Palestinians and their friends in the US.
Instead, in the emails there is a hysterical letter(i) addressed to "all
my Arab sisters and brothers", calling to violently confront the event
in a military manner "in several different contingents with various risk
levels". The letter is extremely violent and is written in intemperate
language of hate, the like of it we have not seen before: "We have to stop
this racist scum from polluting the Palestinian cause", no less. The organisers
of the event are described as "neo-Nazis", "fascists", "Nazi enemies" and
"anti-Semites". It is composed by a mysterious East Coast Anti-Fascist
Network, and has some Arab names attached to it, though for sure it isn't
written by an Arab. Now, nobody likes Nazis, but I wonder why this militant
Anti-Fascist Network did not go out to confront gatherings and demonstrations
of Judeo-Nazis? What is so wonderful about us Jews that so many people
wish to go out and fight for us "in different contingents with various
risk levels"? Why this fighting Uruk-hai does not describe Mort Zuckerman
or Richard Perle, "racist scum"? Not even Israeli settlers, as racist as
anybody, were ever described as "racist scum" that "should not pollute
Palestine". It is a mistake to describe anybody as "scum". We should promote
more tolerant discourse, accepting or arguing, not fighting somebody else's
war. The letter of this "anti-fascist Network" looks like an attempt of
the Jewish lobby to make its adversaries to fight each other. This thing
has no end. Today they want us to fight NA, tomorrow they would ask us
to condemn Farrakhan, and next day - to reject Hezbollah and Hamas. Maybe
some of us would like to be approved and promoted only by the Yale professors.
But we live in real world. Israel accepts support of every racist that
extends its support: be it South African apartheid of old, or present-say
fundamentalists, and it does not hurt its "credibility". It does not mean
that one should run forward and endorse the NA get-together. But these
people should be worked with, not rejected out of hand. Some of their erroneous
ideas could be corrected. If they would just say "affirmation of European
legacy" instead of "white supremacy" you would discover that the arguments
against them collapse. It is like saying "let us make love" instead of
'fuck you' - the meaning is quite similar, but wording is important. I
do not intend even to enter discussion, whether the organisers of the event
are good guys or bad guys. They can't be more racist than the present Israeli
government and the American Jewish community leadership. They can't be
more racist than Pat Roberson and his bunch of (anti-)Christian Zionists.
Let this anti-fascist (and surely crypto-Jewish) network go out and fight
them first. I would bless whoever supports the cause of Palestine without
checking their ideological credentials. I bless all supporters of Palestine
full stop. However, navigating to the home page of the NA, one finds a
cartoon[ii] to sympathise with. It is rather crude depiction of a Neo-Con,
looking like a cross between Kissinger and Perle, asking America to kill
his enemies: Iraq, Iran, Saudi Arabia and so forth. Yes, these guys are
short of finesse, some of their ideas are weird, but they came to correct
conclusion: America should not fight the WWIII for the Zionists' sake.
In our Togethernet, "the freest discussion group in the known Universe"
J, we had some people who will attend the concert. One of them wrote: "I
don't know of ANY white "supremacists" outside of a couple of fantasizing
juvenile delinquents in the World Church of the Creator and some Hollywood
Nazis. And a section of the Republican Party personified by George Bush.
"Supremacist" is a label created by the Zionists of the ADL and kindred
spirits. It was used for the same purpose as calling all Palestinian opposition
to Zionist occupation and invasion, 'terrorism'. Methinks the Zionists
engage in a lot of projectionism when they cast their epithets". If we
go out now to defend the powerful American Jews and to fight these 'White'
guys, because we do not like their ideology, our next step should be to
go out and defend Israel with our own bodies against possible attack from
Saddam Hussein's Iraq. Saddam is also supposed to be a bad guy, and I am
ready to accept he is. In 1991, I wrote in the leading Russian newspaper,
"Probably Saddam is a bad guy, but the Middle East needs a strong bad guy
to counteract other, Zionist bad guys". The world is full of bad guys,
and things are good only if and when the bad guys balance each other. Saddam
would balance Sharon, while the White supremacists would balance the Jewish
supremacists. If indeed these men are not supremacists, but cultural separatists,
as they claim, we certainly can do things together with them, and with
another group of cultural separatists, the Black Muslims, too. The author
of the epistle offers, with his low grade cunning, an additional reason
for Palestinians to go and fight for Jews: "If we don't do this, our Nazi
enemies will claim our noble cause and our Zionist enemies will try to
present them as our face". Let him rest assured. In Israel, and in Jewish
communities overseas, Palestinians are presented as Nazis on daily basis.
Menachem Begin called Arafat, "Hitler" years ago. If there is a nasty thing
that the Jewish-owned media could say and print about Palestinians, they
already did it. When Palestinian children are shot, Palestinians are blamed
that they let their children out. The Palestinians are already smeared
so much that they can not be smeared more: they are already described as
Jew-haters and baby-killers. How come we Jews do not become "discredited"
because of Kahane terrorists or Sharon's assassins? Because people understand:
not every Jew is a Judeo-Nazi. In the same way, Americans can distinguish
between different opponents of the Israeli apartheid. Let us suppose for
the sake of argument, that these 'white supremacists' are real Nazis. (They
are not). It would be enough for them to cease attacking Jews, and they
would become perfectly good in the eyes of the US media. After that, they
would be permitted to say whatever they wish against Muslims, Palestinians,
Blacks. All this talk against fascism lasts only as long as the fascists
are against Jews. The moment they switch sides, they get kosher approval.
Now, an Israeli government delegation participated in deliberations of
European extreme right ("fascists") in Brussels[iii]. In the US, the "pro-white"
people are not courted by the Jewish community, but it still could happen,
if we do not watch out. Probably you had seen this last Bruce Willis movie,
Last Man Standing. In a small Texan town there are two gangs, and Willis
helps them to fight it out. The Jewish supremacists are a million times
stronger than all White supremacists put together. Elementary strategy
calls us to avoid giving any support to the Jewish cause, until the apartheid
in Palestine is dismantled. As for the concert, probably some Palestinians
and their friends will get there, and the rest would stay away. The organisers
did not ask for anybody' s endorsement. Let the anti-fascists keep their
strength for more worthy cause. And whoever will go to fight for the American
Jewish community, let him be prepared for disappointment. His chivalry
will not be reciprocated. --------:::::::::::::::::::::------- Statement
of the Open City Anarchist Collective (NYC) of the Northeastern Federation
of Anarcho-Communists, with Bilal El-Amine. We condemn Israel Shamir's
unprincipled and dangerous article, "Rock of Dissent", which seeks to malign
the demonstration against the nazi white power rally by the National Alliance
at the US Capitol building on August 24th. Through a shroud of unsavory
and often tangled rhetoric, Israel Shamir takes the honorable position
of opposing the State of Israel's oppression of Palestinian Arabs who are
fighting Zionism. Unfortunately, his political preferences are disoriented.
His chosen allies, enemies of both Palestinians and Jews, as well as of
all working people, are suspect. Shamir makes clear that he will support
any political force, no matter how vile, if it will oppose Zionism. He
praises Saddam Hussein as a strong "bad guy" who is needed to oppose Israel.
In a public statement brought to our attention by Tim Hall of Struggle
magazine, Shamir cheers the French vote for the fascist Jean-Marie Le Pen,
who is hostile to both Jewish and Arab immigrants. (Shamir agrees about
the need to limit immigration.) In these remarks, which anticipate his
coziness with nazis in "Rock Of Dissent", Shamir gives advice to them of
ways to appear less offensive. In "Rock of Dissent", Shamir adopts an "enemy-of-my-enemy-is-my-friend"
posture in an attempt to fool the naive and neutralize the militant. We
repudiate him. Israel Shamir lies. Arguing that Palestinians and the Palestinian
solidarity movement should be grateful for the backing from them, he denies
the National Alliance is nazi or white supremacist. This is important for
his argument, given that white supremacists in the United States are known
to despise Arabs and Muslims. But the temporary, opportunistic support
of racist extremists for Arabs in other countries does not change this.
Shamir's denial that the National Alliance is racist runs counter to documented
facts. The National Alliance has been the largest nazi group in North America
for years. Founded by the late William Pierce in 1974, it has built an
organization of over a thousand members. Pierce's novel "The Turner Diaries"
has served as a blueprint for many white supremacist mass murders, from
those of the Fort Bragg nazi gang "The Order" to Timothy McVeigh's Oklahoma
City bombing. Furthermore, with the acquisition of Resistance Records and
Nordland Records, two well know white supremacist labels, the National
Alliance not only earns millions of dollars annually from music sales but,
more importantly, enacts a greatly expanded involvement in the fascist
youth subculture. Finally, the National Alliance maintains one of the most
technologically sophisticated web sites on the Internet, bringing hate
to a mass audience. Shamir's facile dismissal of these virulent murderers
and would-be murderers ("Now, nobody likes Nazis") is a contemptible understatement.
Shamir vilifies the U. S. Arab anti-fascists who call for participation
in the demonstration against the nazis. On no evidence whatsoever, in a
bizarre claim they are not even Arab, he calls them a front group for Jews,
part of a "crypto-Jewish" "network". He falsely implies that they and other
members of the anti-fascist movement have not opposed Zionism in the past.
In fact, the activists who wrote the call for Arab opposition to the National
Alliance are indeed Arabs. We are long-time activists for the Palestinian
cause who do not intend to fight on anyone's behalf but our own. Our view
is that the National Alliance is a very dangerous and sophisticated nazi
organization that must be stopped. We will not stand by to allow the Palestinian
issue to be exploited for racist ends--not only against Jews but against
all immigrants, including Arabs and Muslims. Furthermore, the anti-fascist,
anti-Zionist movement has worked in mutual support and solidarity, with
numerous examples of public opposition to the State of Israel's brutal,
illegal occupation of Palestinian land, including, in New York City, at
the most recent Salute to Israel Day parade. But anti-fascist anti-Zionists
are united in yet another area: against anti-Semitism. We will not dehumanize
or denigrate any group of human beings for the noble cause of Palestinian
liberty. We will not ally ourselves with those who do. We reject Shamir's
notion that fascists, nazis and racists are acceptable if they manufacture
a reason to support the cause of Palestinian liberty. We are aware that
Shamir has become notorious among people of principle for explicit anti-Jewish
statements. We stand with them in opposition to him. Shamir argues that
pro-Israeli U. S. Jews are more influential than U. S. Nazis. This is true,
for now. Yet, all around us, we see cities and towns infested with racism.
Racism against Jews. Racism against blacks. Against Hispanics, Asians,
South Asians, Arabs and Muslims. Hatemongering and institutional racism
are far more widespread than support for Zionism. The National Alliance
understands this. In a climate of governmental and social hostility, amid
everyday problems of poverty, homelessness, drug abuse and police brutality,
the nazis appeal through this widespread racial tension in an attempt to
expand their ranks. The fascism of white racists, and of all those who
advance their cause, is a threat to any "non white" people, as well as
to women, queers, and people with disabilities. It is a threat to their
declared enemies--liberals, progressives and anarchists. It is a threat
to the empowerment of the working classes. Shall we wait to oppose the
National Alliance until their sadistic redistribution of power becomes
more of a threat? Shall we wait to oppose the National Alliance until they
become more numerous and dangerous? We say no. We affirm our intention
to defeat racism in all its forms, from the front steps to the back rooms
of the U. S. Capitol. in true solidarity with the Intifada, Bill Bachman,
Christine Karatnytsky, John Korber and Wayne Price \ul opencity45@hotmail.com
\ulnone Bilal El-Amine \ul zaloom33@yahoo.com ---------------------------
financial times on Marx + Indy (198730) comments: As Marx
might have said, had he taken the right side in the class war, the bourgeoisie
united will never be divided. But right now the American middle class is
split unevenly between suckers and CEOs. What's more, history suggests
that when the suckers strike back, they usually demand regulations far
stricter than is good for capitalism itself. After all, Marx himself was
once an unlucky day trader, whose dreams of making a "killing on the Stock
Exchange" in the 1860s came to nothing. And look at the revenge on capitalism
he took. Niall Ferguson is Professor of Political and Financial History
at Oxford and Visiting Professor at the Stern School of Business, New York
University -------------- The problem (english) Hiranmay \i 4:56pm Sun
Aug comment#198742 think the biggest problem with the current global system
is this. neo-colonialism. the exportation of surplus from the country of
origin (invaribly third world countries) to the Imperialist country. Following
world war II and the collapse of British and French colonial rule it tended
to be American capital that exploited these underdeveloped economies. America
grew rich (and still does so) by exporting the profits of their neo-colonies
AND through government sanction of these imperialist tactics. The separation
of government and Business is non-existant. Government (international relations)
IS business, IS corporate rape of underdeveloped countries. That is why
there are such problems. The people of the world are sick of being raped
by America. That is the truth of the matter and that will be the next big
sticking point/hot spot/conflict area. The current system is justified
by the Clauswitzean ideology i.e. war is the natural state of relations
between nations. That is war for resources. America is the worlds most
resource hungry, polluting and downright shallow society. The change may
or may not come in my lifetime, but there are many people around the world
who are ready to live in a new society. One not dominated by American Capital.
The biggest hurdle is the current system of indoctrination. Mass-media.
--------------Peter Principle In Action (english) Record StraightA shame
that halls of academia and newspapers of record today yield such unmitigated
tripe. It would take me pages to correct all of the shallow intellectualism
in this article, just a few comments will suffice to make the point: Marx
was not a "washout" as a "prophet," since he never pretended to write about
anything but conditions in the 19th century. He did note certain trends
that he expected to continue or intensify, and certainly the jury is still
largely out on those--how quick the defenders of capitalism are to dismiss
Marxism forever! Certainly he was not a "class traitor," let alone the
"quintessential 19th century bourgeois"; he lived in abject poverty most
of his life, and lost several of his children to poor people's diseases
of the time. "His socialist uptopia" did not "[turn] out to be a corrupt
tyranny" since his vision of socialism has never been realized on this
earth. It is obvious that Ferguson finds Marx's great work, Capital, "unreadable,"
since he has not taken to the time to read it--we should "skip" everything
up to Chapter 32! And this is a professor?--------------------------------198718
Turmoil by Doug Henwood (dissident voice): DISSIDENT VOICE AUGUST 17,
2002 www.dissidentvoice.org __ Turmoil by Doug Henwood August 17, 2002
_Bill O'Reilly, host of the O'Reilly Factor on the Fox News Channel, one
of the funniest shows on TV (and not always intentionally so), has a feature
on every show called "The Most Ridiculous Item of the Day." O'Reilly's
politics are largely appalling, but he's entertaining, and I'm going to
steal this idea and begin presenting a Most Ridiculous Item of the Week
on this show. Here's the premiere. According to official capitalist ideology,
CEOs and other top execs deserve their enormous salaries because they're
big risk takers and because they contribute so much to society. It's pretty
well established that executive pay actually bears little resemblance to
performance - and here's an extreme case. Neal Travis reports in today's
New York Post (uh-oh, that's my second citation in less than a minute of
a Murdoch media property -- I assure you this is entirely accidental) Bob
Pittman, who's been squeezed out of a top job at the troubled media giant
AOL Time Warner, is going to leave with a $60 million-plus severance deal.
Now this is a company whose stock is off more than 80% over the last two
years - twice as much as the overall market, and which is now under investigation
by the SEC for accounting chicanery. If you get $60 million for being part
of a colossal failure, what would the price tag be for success? But Pittman's
parting check is nothing compared to that enjoyed by ex-CEO Gerald Levin,
architect of the merger of AOL and Time Warner that is now universally
regarded as a disaster. Levin left the company earlier this year with more
than $200 million. Nice work if you can get it. I was thinking about potential
guests to discuss the stock market meltdown and the corporate scandals
tonight, but I was overcome by an irresistible attack of vanity, and concluded
that I could do it better than anyone. So here we go. First, a measure
of the damage. As of Tuesday's closing prices, the most widely used benchmark
for stock prices, the Standard and Poor's 500 index, was off 48% from the
high it made on March 24, 2000. (The S&P 500 is a broader measure than
its more famous cousin, the Dow Jones Industrial Average; the Dow is made
up of just 30 stocks, while the S&P, as its name suggests, is comprised
of 500.) That decline a hair behind the achievement of the last major bear
market, the October 1974 low, which was off just four tenths of a percentage
point more. The Nasdaq was off 76% from its March 2000 high. Both averages
have a way to go before matching the granddaddy of them all, the 1929-32
decline, which was 82% on the S&P. The 1973-74 bear market was the
worst since the 1930s, so we've pretty much matched that record, and I
don't think the bloodletting is over yet, despite yesterday's powerful
rally and today's see-saw action. Indeed, it wouldn't surprise me to see
the Dow tack on 500 or 1000 points over the next weeks or months. But that
wouldn't change the big picture much. And what is that big picture? What
does this all mean? As I've said here before, in normal times, the zig-ing
and zag-ing of the stock market doesn't mean much to the outside world.
Unless it's your job, or your own money's on the line, stocks often inhabit
a world of their own, with little impact on or relevance to the real economy.
But we haven't seen normal times, at least as far as the stock market is
concerned, since around 1996, when individuals started playing with stocks
in a big way, and the market began escaping the earth's gravitational field.
To imagine what effects the bust might have, lets think back on the boom.
A rising stock market can have several economic effects. One is direct:
strong markets encourage companies to go public, meaning that the small
circle of original owners float shares in an initial public offering, or
IPO. The proceeds of an IPO generally go towards cashing out the original
investors (typically the founders and their earliest funders, like venture
capitalists), and if there's money left over, towards investing in expending
the underlying business and hiring new workers. We saw a big gusher of
that sort of thing in the late 1990s, though it's clear in retrospect that
lots of those businesses, like Pets.com, should never have been funded
in the first place. But there are also indirect economic effects. A rising
market encourages optimism, leading established businesses to invest and
hire more than they would have otherwise, and inspiring stock-owning households
to save less and spend more than they would have otherwise. We saw lots
of that too, as the personal savings rate in the U.S. declined to near
0, the lowest level since the early 1930s, and personal debt levels made
new highs. So the rising market goosed the real economy to levels beyond
what it normally would have managed, whatever we mean by normal. There
were more subtle effects too. The bull market greatly raised the prestige
of American capitalism around the world; suddenly other countries wanted
to be more like us, which means with flexible labor markets and no welfare
state. Flexible labor markets is the polite way to say no job security,
no benefits, and low pay (unless you're Bob Pittman or Gerald Levin). Millions
of people came to believe that the market could not only fund a comfortable
life in the present, it could assure a comfy retirement in the future -
especially since Social Security was certain to go broke. (Social Security
is
not certain to go broke, but that's the myth.) And people came to think
that brilliant ideas and clever branding strategies produced value in themselves,
without needing mortal human workers, because the stock market said so.
So let's throw that all into reverse. Falling markets mean very few IPOs,
choking off funding for new businesses to expand and hire, and depressing
what Keynes called the animal spirits of entrepreneurs, putting them in
the mood for retrenchment, not fresh undertakings. Households who thought
they were getting richer suddenly feel poorer - much poorer - and spend
less and borrow less. Prudent for individuals, yes, but not so good for
an economy dependent on high, even excessive, levels of consumption. Workers
who were close to retirement are now having to re-evaluate their plans;
those who thought they could retire at 60 or 62 may find themselves working
until they're 70 or older. Also, governments at all levels are experiencing
much lower tax collections, in part because of economic weakness, but also
the direct result of lower stock prices; service cutbacks are inevitable,
especially here in New York City, where the economy has never been so dependent
on Wall Street. One bright spot, though, is that the global prestige of
U.S. capitalism is taking severe hits, which is what it deserves. There
are also more subtle messages in the market's steep decline. As I've been
saying here, it's extremely unusual for the stock market to fail to respond
to the stimulus of lower interest rates, as engineered by the Federal Reserve.
Normally, a generous Fed inspires strong stock markets, not once-in-a-generation
declines. But that's what we've gotten. The only precedent for this behavior
is the 1930-31 period, when the Fed was actually less aggressively indulgent
than it has been over the last year and a half. And though by most measures
it looks like the recession ended last December or January, the market's
not acting like it; this is the only post-World War II recovery in which
the market has fallen rather than rising smartly. Why should this matter?
For several reasons. The market does have a pretty good record of anticipating
major turns in the economy - not every squiggle, for sure, but major trends.
And there are several reasons for that. One is that the market is a measure
of liquidity in the system - how much spare cash is floating around. If
there isn't much spare cash - if cash is all devoted to paying basic expenses
and servicing debts - then the market may be weak. But the market is also
what pollsters call a "feelings thermometer" for the investing class -
a measure of how flush and optimistic people with money feel. Since they're
the ones who ultimately determine what's produced by whom, if they're not
feeling so good, the rest of us will feel the effects. When the stock market
kept declining in the early 1930s, it was a sign that a deflationary depression
was underway. I'm pretty confident that a collapse of that sort is impossible
today -- government is just too big for the whole economy to implode. But
what we've seen in Japan over the last 10 years may be a taste of how a
deflationary depression operates today -- a long period of economic stagnation
and increasing social stress. There's that possibility -- or for another
precedent, there's the economy of the 1970s that followed upon the last
great bear market. That was inflationary rather than deflationary, but
it was also a time of high unemployment, falling real wages, and mass alienation.
I don't know what form this bust is likely to take, but I'm pretty sure
we've entered a period of economic troubles. For a decade, the U.S. economy
chugged along while the rest of the world experienced stagnation or worse.
I'm pretty sure that phase of American exceptionalism is behind us. I don't
know what's coming next, but it's probably not good. Which is why it's
essential for leftists or progressives or radicals or whatever we call
ourselves to get out there and explain what happened to the public and
organize against the austerity, crackdown, and reaction that generally
accompany bad economic times. A final point. Many Wall Street types are
talking about a "disconnect" between the market and the real economy. Yes,
the real economy is doing a lot better than Wall Street, at least for now.
But they never talked like this on the way up. On the way up, the rising
market was proof that everything American finance and industry did was
right and great. Now we know that a lot of those heroic financiers and
industrialists were crooks, and the rest were in the grip of manic self-deception.
Related to the disconnect argument is another frequently on the lips (or
typing fingers) of pundits: the U.S. is nothing like Japan ten years ago.
Our economy is fundamentally stronger and more "flexible" (that word again)
than theirs. But there are other differences too. Japanese households were
big savers, not borrowers; today, U.S. households owe record amounts of
money to their creditors. Japan was (and remains) a giant creditor on the
world scene; the U.S. today, a giant debtor. So those are also ways in
which the U.S. is no Japan, though ways less flattering to us. And let's
revisit the late 1980s for a moment. Then, it was a commonplace that the
U.S. was washed up and Japan was poised to take over the world. That aura
of invincibility turned out to be a byproduct of Japan's great speculative
bubble. It may be that the notion of the fundamental greatness of the U.S.
economy is the last surviving byproduct of our own bubble. ____ d\sb100\sa100
Doug Henwood is the editor of the Left Business Observer, and the host
of Behind the News, a weekly radio program covering economics and politics
that airs on WBAI (FM 99.5) in New York. Henwood is the author of "Wall
Street" (Verso, 1997) and the "State of the USA Atlas" (Simon & Schuster,
1994). This article is an edited version of comments made by Henwood on
Behind the News, July 25, 2002. Email: dhenwood@panix.com This article
can be viewed on the web at: \ul \ulnone Please spread the word about Dissident
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